Commentary Religion

A Catholic Bishop Is Indicted in Child Pornography and Again I Ask: Why Does Congress Kowtow to the USCCB?

Jodi Jacobson

Almost exactly two years ago, during the heat of the health reform debate, I wrote an article asking why the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops (USCCB) has so much power in the halls of Congress, especially when it comes to pushing for policies that deny women their rights.  Today, I ask again: Why?

Almost exactly two years ago, during the heat of the health reform debate, I wrote an article asking why the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops (USCCB) has so much power in the halls of Congress, especially when it comes to pushing for policies that deny women their rights.

Today, I ask again: Why?

On Friday, October 14th, 2011, the day after the USCCB succeeded in achieving its long-held goal of getting the House of Representatives to pass the Let Women Die Act of 2011, one of their own, Bishop Robert W. Finn, was indicted for failure to report suspected child abuse.

This is, according to the New York Times, “the first time in the 25-year history of the church’s sex abuse scandals that the leader of an American diocese has been held criminally liable for the behavior of a priest he supervised.”

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The indictment of the bishop, Robert W. Finn, and the Diocese of Kansas City-St. Joseph by a county grand jury was announced on Friday. Each was charged with one misdemeanor count involving a priest accused of taking pornographic photographs of girls as recently as this year. They pleaded not guilty.

According to the Times, the bishops pledged a decade ago to report suspected abusers to law enforcement authorities. And “Bishop Finn himself had made such a promise three years ago as part of a $10 million legal settlement with abuse victims in Kansas City.”

Instead he continued to cover up this abuse.

Bishop Finn acknowledged that he knew of the photographs last December but did not turn them over to the police until May. During that time, the priest, the Rev. Shawn Ratigan, is said to have continued to attend church events with children, and took lewd photographs of another young girl.

Taking lewd photographs of young girls and covering it up. Raping young boys and girls and covering it up.  Getting women pregnant and covering it up.

There is a sustained pattern of institutionalized corruption and immorality by any measure and these men are allowed to declare themselves the moral arbiters of the most private decisions made by women and their families?

In another article in Rolling Stone last month, Sabrina Rubin Erdeley wrote about the Bishop’s secret sex crime files, a long pattern of abuse and cover-up that left serial abusers to roam among parish children and continue to rape and abuse them. 

In the New Yorker, in April of last year, Hendrik Hertzberg wrote that the church’s  “institutional indulgence… of the sexual exploitation of children by priests” has resulted in both civil and criminal cases “involving many thousands of children and leading to legal settlements that have amounted to more than two billion dollars and have driven several dioceses into bankruptcy.”

In 1992, Richard Sipe, a Catholic psychotherapist and researcher who served for eighteen years as a priest and Benedictine monk, told a conference of victims that “the current revelations of abuse are the tip of an iceberg, and if the problem is traced to its foundations the path will lead to the highest halls of the Vatican.”

This is not about religion. This is not about morality according to any definition I understand it. 

This is about systemic abuse covered up and excused.  This is about abuse of the public trust and the trust of children. This is about the gross manipulation and abuse of power.  This is about institutionalized misogyny.  This is about the USCCB and others covering themselves by sending abusive priests to new parishes here and abroad to perpetrate more abuses on unsuspecting children and parents.  Patterns of abuse that make your hair stand on end. Countless lives ruined.

And these men walk the halls of Congress making laws about our bodies and lecturing to us about “life?”

I simply want to know why it is that this institution is allowed to lobby, with fully tax-exempt status.  Why is it given legitimacy–as no such organization should–as a supposed moral arbiter of the rights of women and girls, and of gay, lesbian and transgender persons, of social mores, when clearly it is so deeply morally corrupted.

Enough is enough.

_______________________

Follow Jodi Jacobson on Twitter:@jljacobson

Analysis Health Systems

As Reach of Catholic Hospitals Grows, So Does Risk to Patient Reproductive Health Care

Jessica Mason Pieklo

A recent case in California highlights the ongoing threat that widespread Catholic-affiliated hospitals potentially pose to reproductive health care.

By the close of 2011, one in nine hospital beds in this country existed in a Catholic or Catholic-sponsored health-care facility. If viewed together as one corporate entity, the ten largest Catholic-sponsored health systems of hospitals and clinics would constitute the largest in the country. And these hospitals are routinely denying medical care to women, citing Catholic doctrine as justification.

Case in point: It took months of appeals and the threat of a sex-discrimination lawsuit from the American Civil Liberties Union before one Catholic hospital in California reversed course this month and agreed to allow an area doctor to perform a postpartum tubal ligation on a patient. Mercy Medical Center, owned by Dignity Health of San Francisco—a not-for-profit benefits corporation that was founded by the Sisters of Mercy in 1986 and that operates Catholic hospitals and ancillary care facilities in 17 states—had previously refused to allow Rachel Miller to undergo the procedure when she delivers her third child later this month via a scheduled cesarean section.

Mercy Medical, like all other Catholic hospitals in the country, follows “Ethical and Religious Directives for Catholic Health Care Services” written by the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops. Those directives forbid doctors at Catholic facilities from participating in common reproductive health procedures like tubal ligation, contraception, sterilization, abortion even when the patient’s health is at risk, and in vitro fertilization, referring to many of them as “intrinsically evil.” The rules also direct health-care providers not to inform patients about alternatives inconsistent with the directives, even when those alternatives are the best option for the patient’s health.

In response to Mercy Medical’s original denial of the procedure, Miller’s insurance company had offered to cover her delivery at the UC Davis Medical Center in Sacramento, which would allow her to obtain the tubal ligation. But that hospital is more than 160 miles away. It would have required her to deliver with a different doctor and to force her family to travel that distance to be with her.

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After the American Civil Liberties Union and the ACLU of California sent a demand letter on Miller’s behalf charging that the hospital had unlawfully denied her reproductive health care, Mercy Medical eventually approved the procedure.

“This is a decision that I made with my family and my doctor and no one else should be involved in that process,” said Miller in a statement. “I hope my case will shine a light on this issue so that others aren’t turned away.”

Advocates point out, though, that Miller’s situation was just a small part of a systemic problem. “While we’re grateful Mercy Medical has agreed to provide medical care in this instance for Ms. Miller, the reality remains that there is a clear conflict between the best interests of patients and the directives of the Catholic hospital system,” Elizabeth Gill, senior attorney at the ACLU of Northern California, told Rewire in an interview.

As Gill explained, hospitals like Mercy Medical, which serve the general public, should not be permitted to withhold care based on doctrine. “Religious institutions that provide services to the general public should not be allowed to hold religion as an excuse to discriminate or deny important health care,” said Gill. “With Catholic hospitals increasingly prevalent, including as the only option for some women, Rachel is just one of many women who risk being denied care, because Catholic bishops are telling medical professionals how to operate.”

This presents a real challenge for making sure patients across the country have access to high-quality, comprehensive reproductive health care. Such a difficulty is exacerbated by the fact that across the country, there is no consistency in which Catholic or Catholic-sponsored hospitals strictly adhere to the directives and which do not—as seen with Mercy Medical’s eventual concession to Miller’s requests.

“There are a lot of variations in what Catholic hospitals will do,” Lois Uttley, the director of MergerWatch, a nonprofit group that tracks Catholic mergers in health care, told Rewire.

“It has to do with the stance of their local bishop, it has to do with what system they might be in and what ethical policies they follow,” said Uttley, who holds a master’s degree in public policy.

Overall, though, the reality is that Catholic interference with reproductive health care reaches well beyond Hobby Lobby and the contraception challenges to the Affordable Care Act, or even the web of state-level abortion restrictions. It reaches all the way into the labor and delivery ward.

A Web of Denials

For mostly economic reasons, such as the dominance of insurance companies in driving health-care costs prior to the implementation of the Affordable Care Act, hospitals—including Catholic-sponsored ones—went through a period of rapid mergers in the 1990s. These mergers allowed previously stand-alone facilities to better negotiate prices with insurance companies by consolidating local market share within one hospital system. Catholic facilities merged with other Catholic and non-Catholic ones, in a trend that continues today.

That trend means that the reach of Catholic health-care institutions has spread throughout the United States. According to a 2011 report released by the ACLU and MergerWatch, in many states, such as Washington, Iowa, Wisconsin, and Missouri, almost 30 percent of hospitals are Catholic or Catholic-affiliated. Meanwhile, in California, where Miller was almost denied care, Mercy Medical—itself the fifth largest system in the country—is the state’s largest hospital provider.

Such an overwhelming presence means that for some patients, it’s either a Catholic hospital or no hospital at all. And advocates say that for every Rachel Miller who pushes back against religious refusals of care, there are countless other patients unable to do the same. Hospitals don’t specifically have to disclose their affiliation or notify patients up front that the directives will dictate the range of medical care available, so some patients don’t even know they will be subject to potentially limited services by seeking help at certain facilities.

When it comes to birthing care in particular, the influence of religious doctrines is especially evident when patients request procedures like tubal ligation, which in many cases is the standard of care following labor and delivery. “It makes no sense to tell a woman who is pregnant and wants to have a tubal ligation upon delivery of the child that she has to wait and do that later at another time because the hospital won’t allow it,” said Uttley. “It makes great medical sense to do it at the same time because the woman is already in the hospital, you are paying for the delivery, and in many cases if it is a c-section it makes great sense to do a tubal ligation while the woman is already under anesthesia. It is not good quality to send her away and force her to go back either into the hospital or the doctor’s office and to have a tubal ligation.”

Still, “there are many ordinary women out there who are refused the service and don’t understand that they could argue,” Uttley said.

“The problem is the most acute in areas where patients have no choice and where physicians are limited in where they can practice,” Uttley added. “We hear from doctors, for example, who are practicing in rural areas of western states where there is only a Catholic hospital and these doctors have patients who desperately need a tubal ligation at the time of delivery.”

Uttley continued, “Many times there are also complicating factors for the patient. For example, the woman could be obese, she could have diabetes, she could have hypertension. She could have a lot of complications that make pregnancy quite dangerous for her and she and her doctor have decided that upon delivery of the last child she will have a tubal ligation. We hear from doctors who are distraught at not being able to provide what they see as essential, quality care for their patients.”

Because pregnant patients often work with one OB-GYN, not hospitals, even those who try to avoid the doctrines can end up having their care restricted, Uttley said. She shared one example of a patient with whom her organization was in touch while working on the 2011 report: “There was a woman in upstate New York who already had four children [and who] was having her fifth child, and was talking with her OB-GYN ahead of time about having a tubal ligation at the same time as delivery.”

“The physician had admitting privileges at both a Catholic and a non-Catholic hospital, so they had planned this would take place at the non-Catholic hospital,” she continued. “However, when the time came for her to deliver he was at the Catholic hospital, so she ended up not being able to get the tubal ligation that she wanted even though her doctor did have admitting privileges at a non-Catholic facility because he wasn’t there at the time she delivered.”

These rules can also make obtaining care dangerous for patients experiencing pregnancy complications. Dr. Ashlee Bergin, a practicing OB-GYN in Chicago, shared a story during an interview with Rewire of seeing a patient within the last month who came to Bergin’s non-Catholic-affiliated hospital experiencing a spontaneous miscarriage at about 18 weeks. According to Bergin, the patient was bleeding quite significantly and yet had been turned away from two different Catholic hospitals, because there was still a fetal heartbeat. By the time the patient got to Bergin’s hospital, she was anemic and in an emergency situation.

“In a lot of these situations, it definitely impacts our ability to provide the complete spectrum of care, especially reproductive health care, to women,” Bergin told Rewire. “Catholic doctrine interferes with our ability to provide medically timely care,” she continued. “Not only that, it’s the right thing to do for these women and we are being told we can’t do what’s right for these women because of these doctrines.”

“Ideally, we should be able to provide the full range of reproductive health care for women and Catholic directives don’t allow that happen,” she said.

A recent national survey found that 52 percent of OB-GYNs working in Catholic hospitals experience conflict with religiously based policies about care. Physicians interviewed reported reactions ranging from “mild concern” to “outright shock” about the way the directives impacted their ability to offer treatment to patients experiencing certain emergencies, such as miscarriage or pre-viable premature rupture of membranes (PPROM). In these cases, physicians felt ending the pregnancy via abortion was justified, especially when the failing pregnancy was deeply wanted. The “wantedness” of the pregnancy was referenced in the context of defending the need for treatment and arguing that it was solely for the sake of safety and comfort for the pregnant patient, not because she did not wish to have a child. Still, the directives prohibited the the procedure until there was no longer a fetal heartbeat.

Holding Catholic Hospitals Legally Accountable

Such restrictions on care have yet to be successfully challenged in the courts. In 2010, a then-18 weeks pregnant Tamesha Means showed up at Mercy Health Partners in Muskegon, Michigan, in the middle of having a miscarriage. Her water had broken and she was experiencing severe cramping. Mercy Health, a Catholic-sponsored facility, told Means there was nothing it could do for her, because treatment would have terminated the pregnancy, and sent her home. Means came back the next day, this time in more pain and bleeding, and was again told the course of action was to wait and see.

As detailed in court documents, Means, a mother of three, returned to Mercy Health a third time, this time suffering from a significant infection from her untreated miscarriage. In response, the hospital gave Means some aspirin to treat her fever and prepared to send her home. Before the hospital discharged Means for a third time, she started to deliver. It wasn’t until then that the hospital decided to admit Means and to treat her condition. Means eventually delivered a baby who died within hours of birth.

Means sued, claiming the directives followed by Mercy Health—and other Catholic hospitals—amount to the delivery of negligent care.

A district court dismissed Means’ case on procedural grounds, ruling in part that the doctrine of ecclesiastical abstention prevents courts from reviewing cases like Means’. That doctrine dates back to an 1871 Supreme Court decision, Watson v. Jones, which first established principles limiting the role of civil courts in deciding religious controversies. Watson and the cases that followed limit the power of courts to hear suits “whenever the questions of discipline, or of faith, or ecclesiastical rule, custom, or law have been decided by … church judicatories.”

The idea behind the ecclesiastical abstention doctrine is that courts should not settle what would amount to disputes about religious doctrine. In other words, it is not up to the judiciary to decide whether or not particular religious tenets are “correct.” If it involves a question of interpreting church doctrine, the courts are supposed to just stay out of it.

In Means’ case, the defendants, including Mercy Hospital and the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops, claimed the directives offer “a statement of the Roman Catholic Church’s moral and religious postures as it relates to health care issues” and are in place “to provide authoritative guidance on certain moral issues that face Catholic health care today.” Therefore, the defendants argued, a court must interpret the directives in order to assess whether they ensure patients receive reasonable care. In turn, they claim that interpreting the directives in this way means interpreting Catholic theology, which the ecclesiastical abstention doctrine prohibits.

Means’ attorneys responded that the ecclesiastical abstention doctrine was not at issue because they were not asking the court to determine the validity of the directives, but to determine whether the imposition of the directives on Mercy Health caused her harm. It wasn’t the validity of the directives that was at issue, Means’ attorneys argued, it was the delivery of substandard medical care they dictated. But the lower court disagreed, ruling Means’ claims “oversimplifies the text and theological underpinnings of the ERDs, as well as how the Directives are applied in hospital settings.” According to the court:

Plaintiff’s complaint about the unavailability of “direct abortions” under the ERDs would require a nuanced discussion about how a “direct abortion” is defined in Catholic doctrine. Directive 45 clearly prohibits direct abortions, defined as “the directly intended termination of a pregnancy before viability.” Do procedures that directly intend to treat a serious pathologic condition of the mother (such as acute chorioamnionitis and funisitis), and indirectly result in termination of the pregnancy, constitute a direct abortion? (See Directive 47.) When do medical procedures that augment—rather than induce—labor constitute a direct abortion? (See Directive 49.) Must the procedure satisfy the Catholic principle of double-effect to be permissible under the ERDs? (See Directive 45’s discussion of “sole immediate effect” and “material cooperation.”) Can the treating doctor exercise independent judgment or is she required to consult a Catholic ethicist before providing emergency care? (See Directive 37.) Does the ethicist have an obligation to consult the local bishop in his moral and theological analysis of the medical treatment options? (See General Introduction; Directive 37.)

The court continued:

These questions demonstrate how the application of the Directives are inextricably intertwined with the Catholic Church’s religious tenets. This Court is competent to address whether the medical care provided by Mercy physicians, and vicariously provided by Trinity Health, constitute negligence or medical malpractice. However, the Court cannot determine whether the establishment of the ERDs constitute negligence because it necessarily involves inquiry into the ERDs themselves, and thus into Church doctrine.

The court could look at individual applications of care, but could not explore the fact that the directives were the source of that care thanks to the ecclesiastical abstention doctrine. Attorneys representing Means filed an immediate appeal of the decision with the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit.

That case is still pending. But should conservatives prevail in advancing their argument that the ecclesiastical abstention doctrine insulates Catholic hospitals from medical negligence liability, patients will be left with very few, if any, ways to hold those institutions accountable for delivering any substandard medical care.

A Market-Based Solution?

Although the courts may be doing very little to advance policies that promote good patient care, Uttley hopes the market can do more. While individuals may not think of market-based approaches to care when choosing an OB-GYN, health insurers and employers who offer benefits plans to their workers do when deciding which facilities to contract with.

“There is a big push right now in the country for what is called ‘value-based health care,’” explained Uttley. “It’s a big push of HHS; it’s also a huge drive of many state governments and of insurance companies and employers. They are all looking to purchase health care that meets the standards of quality and cost-effectiveness. It is [MergerWatch’s] position that refusing to give women reproductive health care when they need it doesn’t meet those standards.”

From a government perspective, investing in high-quality, cost-effective care is especially fiscally relevant because at this point, medical services at Catholic facilities are heavily subsidized by taxpayers. In 2011, Catholic-sponsored or -affiliated hospitals billed the federal government approximately $115 billion related to patient care and reported receiving $27.1 billion in net government revenues in 2011, principally from Medicaid.

“There is a big drive to establish quality metrics [for value-based health care] now, and in fact some Catholic hospitals are in the leadership of that movement and do deliver high quality care in other areas of their health-care delivery,” said Uttley.

But when it comes to reproductive care, she says, “this is a big gaping hole, and we see it potentially as quite a challenge for Catholic hospitals and health-care systems to meet their aspirations of delivering quality, cost-effective care when because of doctrine the care ends up being fragmented.”

Ultimately, as seen in the Miller case, the decision to deny a patient reproductive health care based on religious directive is completely, utterly arbitrary. But it has lasting, potentially devastating effects—both for the individuals involved and for those who may rely on the hospital in the future.

“It’s important that people in a community feel good about their hospital and feel like they will get the care they need at that hospital,” said Uttley. “When an incident like the Rachel Miller one occurs, it can rattle that confidence.”

Commentary Religion

Killing Them Softly: Pope Francis Condemns Income Inequality, Sanctions Gender Inequality

Adele M. Stan

In his defense of the faceless poor, the pope misses the fact that women are more likely than men to be in poverty—because of the very kind of structural inequality that his church models for the world as an image of holiness.

Not long after the white puffs of smoke blew through St. Peter’s Square in March to announce his election as head of the Roman Catholic Church, Pope Francis set many a progressive heart aflutter, especially with regard to his oft-stated concern for the poor of the world.

The release on Tuesday of Evangelii Gaudium, the pope’s manifesto for the renewal of the church, has set off a pandemic of swooning among liberals, particularly because of the pope’s welcome critique of so-called “free market” ideology and the gaping income inequality it creates. Overlooked is the internal inconsistency of the document, in which exclusion of the poor from full participation in society is rightly portrayed as an evil, while exclusion of women from full participation in the church is defended as necessary.

When it comes to inequality of the sexes, Pope Francis enthusiastically embraces Rome’s status quo, using his great treatise on his dream of a kinder, gentler church to sanction the exclusion of women not just from leadership, but from performing the most holy of its rites: celebration of the Mass.

“The reservation of the priesthood to males … is not a question open to discussion,” Francis writes.

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While, in the same document, the pope also reiterates the church’s rejection of abortion as a moral choice and implicitly condones the marginalization of LGBTQ people, it is his blessing of a male-only priesthood that is arguably the most damaging, for it renders the church as a model justification for the view of women as subhuman—a view that lends cover to the rapist, the pimp, the bigot, and the chauvinist whose works the pope decries, even as he advances stereotypes about the “feminine genius” that women have to offer in acts of compassion and intuition.

As Sister Maureen Fiedler observes, Pope Francis “seems to think of women as a different species of human.” And it is from this “othering” of women from rest of humanity, I believe, that the church’s cruel and sometimes murderous denial of women’s reproductive prerogatives stems.

For Catholics, the Mass is a mystical, not just a representational, rite. The priest is believed to be the conduit, a channel of God’s grace, for the transformation of bread and wine into the actual body and blood of Jesus Christ. That’s an awesome power to have—rather god-like, in fact.

The church’s denial of priestly ordination to women is based on a trumped-up piece of theology known as the “natural resemblance” rationale. Simply put, since Jesus was a man, then only men can be priests. Fiedler, explaining and rejecting this theory, suggests that “to say that only males may image Jesus sacralizes masculinity.”

Put another way, Gloria Steinem, speaking at the National Press Club last week, quipped: “When God looks like the ruling class, the ruling class becomes God.”

Re-Branding the Church

Despite its tortured logic with regard to the rights and role of women, both as human beings and as members of the Roman Catholic Church, Evangelii Gaudium (“Joy of the Gospel”) is a papal tour de force, both as a piece of literature, and for the institution Pope Francis puts forth as the church of his dreams.

The most radical changes called for by the pope in his exhortation have little to do with the critique of capitalism that has grabbed the headlines, but rather a proposed shift in the power dynamic of the existing hierarchy—he envisions a less centralized power structure—and a purge of corruption (described as “spiritual worldliness”) in the Vatican bureaucracy. But it is the change he seeks in the church’s image, which he has already set about by famously refusing to live in the sumptuous setting occupied by his predecessors, that has dazzled journalists and commentators.

In Evangelii Gaudium, the pope’s language is vernacular and, in its English translation, at least, pleasing in cadence. It is quite a departure from the prose that ordinarily fills official Vatican documents. In it, Francis speaks of himself in the first person, and admits certain faults of the church. In confirming the church’s opposition to abortion, for instance, Francis states:

Precisely because this involves the internal consistency of our message about the value of the human person, the Church cannot be expected to change her position on this question. I want to be completely honest in this regard. This is not something subject to alleged reforms or “modernizations”. It is not “progressive” to try to resolve problems by eliminating a human life. On the other hand, it is also true that we have done little to adequately accompany women in very difficult situations, where abortion appears as a quick solution to their profound anguish, especially when the life developing within them is the result of rape or a situation of extreme poverty. Who can remain unmoved before such painful situations?

Such an admission of the church’s shortcomings in tending to the needs of the desperate pregnant woman would have been unthinkable by this pope’s recent predecessors; in doing so, Francis casts himself in a more favorable light while doing nothing to change the doctrine that robs women of their full agency, and hence, their full humanity. It is also a doctrine that can rob a woman of her life.

The entire document, in fact, advances little change in the substance of church teaching, and more a change in style and tone. It is, at its essence, a blueprint for winning converts to the faith, and reeling in disaffected Catholics back to the church. It is a survival playbook for a church abandoned by its European flock, and losing substantial numbers among its North American constituency. In Latin America, the church faces steep competition with evangelical Protestant sects, and in Africa, it’s competing with those sects and with Islam. The stern and condescending Father-knows-best condemnations of Popes John Paul II and Benedict XVI—who launched a holy war against Latin America’s native liberation theology movement—proved to be deeply alienating.

A nice pope who seems to be of the people, who writes in an accessible style, who appears to understand the difficulties faced by those wriggling under the boot of global capitalism can only help the church’s predicament. And so Francis recasts the church’s social teaching on ministering to the poor in the language of progressive economists and the Occupy movement, and challenges unnamed Catholic politicians and business leaders (Rep. Paul Ryan [R-WI], House Budget Committee chairman and former vice presidential candidate, comes to mind) to abandon “trickle-down theories which assume that economic growth, encouraged by a free market, will inevitably succeed in bringing about greater justice and inclusiveness in the world.”

Such theories, Francis writes, pointedly, have “never been confirmed by the facts.”

Yet, in his defense of the faceless poor, Francis seems to miss the fact that women are more likely than men to be in poverty, and that is because of the very kind of structural inequality that his church models for the world as an image of holiness.

Doing Well by Doing (Some) Good?

I do not mean to suggest that the pope is insincere in his call to defend the poor. I believe that he is. And his pronouncement certainly does put those Catholics who advance the cause of Ayn Rand and the fortunes of the Koch brothers in an uncomfortable position. If that helps to save the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), also known as food stamps, from the chopping block, that’s all to the good. If the bishops put more of their diocesan budgets into bringing real services and comfort to the poor, that would be outstanding. But it would be naive not to note that Francis’ call to serve the poor also serves the pope’s obvious effort to re-brand the church, still suffering the moral bankruptcy of its child-abuse scandal, as a force for good.

So, too, does the pope’s admonishment, apparently aimed at members of the Curia (the Vatican bureaucracy), to avoid going on “witch hunts” of those deemed doctrinally impure. Although again, the pope declines to provide examples, it’s hard not to think of the Vatican’s 2012 attack on the Leadership Conference of Women Religious for facilitating the spread of “radical feminist ideas,” when reading those lines. The bishops and the Vatican lost big in the court of public opinion on that one, when it was revealed that American Catholics like their nuns much better than they do their prelates.

Francis cites the withholding of the sacrament of Communion from the impure—as has been done to punish pro-choice Catholic politicians—as not particularly helpful. He urges priests to stress the joy of the Gospel in their homilies, and advises them not to deliver sermons that comprise lists of obligations.

In an interview given earlier this year to the Jesuit journalist, Rev. Antonio Spadaro, Francis suggested that church officials stop harping on church teaching that opposes abortion and condemns homosexuality. He didn’t suggest that any change was warranted to those doctrines; just that it was not really helping the church to keep emphasizing them. (Interestingly, Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker [R], who is Roman Catholic, recently told a press gathering organized by the Christian Science Monitor that while he is anti-choice and personally opposed to marriage equality, he preferred to talk about fiscal issues.)

“Exclusion, Mistreatment and Violence”

In the section of Evangelii Gaudium titled “The Inclusion of the Poor in Society,” Pope Francis throws this bone, without irony, to women in poverty:

Doubly poor are those women who endure situations of exclusion, mistreatment and violence, since they are frequently less able to defend their rights.

All women, of course, “endure situations of exclusion” from the leadership of the church, and that very exclusion sows the seeds of their mistreatment both within the church and in the greater society. A powerful message, marginalizing women as creatures unworthy of respect and incapable of authority, is inherent in the very image of the church’s leadership.

Women are to content themselves with whatever grace trickles down to them via the transformative powers invoked by the male priest.

The Roman Catholic Church, with its own nation-state, temporal power around the world, and command of media attention, is arguably the most visible religious institution in the world. Any entity that treated any other class of people as the church treats women would rightly, in the 21st century, be a pariah institution. But since it’s women we’re talking about, it’s all right. And the sad thing is, I don’t think the pope even sees the internal contradiction in his words.

Surely you can give the pope some props for his comments on the evils of free-market economics, one liberal male friend said to me, when I expressed my disgust at the kudos raining upon the pope with the publication of his magnum opus. Wow, said another, you’re really going to lay into him for not making changes yet on the position of women in the church?

So here are my props on the economics section of the pope’s treatise. This from Evangelii Gaudium is just terrific:

Just as the commandment “Thou shalt not kill” sets a clear limit in order to safeguard the value of human life, today we also have to say “thou shalt not” to an economy of exclusion and inequality. Such an economy kills.

But by that same logic, an honest person must then say “thou shalt not” to a theology of gender exclusion and inequality.

Such a theology kills.