Commentary Violence

Want Peace? Killing Black People Needs To Be Treated as a Crime

Natasha Chart

Only when it is considered, in practice, a serious crime to kill a Black person will it be possible to have peace in the United States.

Read more of our coverage related to recent events in Ferguson here.

It’s been a little over a week since Michael Brown was killed in broad daylight for, basically, jaywalking, in Ferguson, Missouri. Later, police tried to justify his death by changing the subject to shoplifting. It made me think of that campy Jane’s Addiction song, “Been Caught Stealing,” with its even more campy music video about white people shoplifting in grocery stores. It always seemed funny to me before, but this last week it has seemed like a testament to the way white people are rarely seen as a threat in popular culture—a view that’s ridiculous given that white people commit more crimes than anyone else.

When that song came out, I was just a couple years away from working a series of minimum wage jobs in low- to middle-income, mostly white communities. I worked at a music and video store, for instance. Our almost entirely white clientele stole things, yes they did. Nearly every night that I worked the video counter at closing, I’d find half-eaten candy packages in the impulse-buy rack. In the music section, when we did store inventory, we’d find seemingly closed CD packaging with the jewel cases removed. White people would come in to “return” CDs they’d purchased, and act shocked if we opened the cases to find a junk CD instead of the new one that was supposed to be in the package.

I don’t think a single police report was ever filed.

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Later, I worked at a sandwich shop. As I recall, everyone on staff was white. We made minimum wage, or nearly, at part-time jobs with terrible hours. Everyone ate extra food—by which I mean we stole. In our defense, we were hungry. Our salary-to-sandwich ratio worked out to about 20-30 footlong subs a week and they always made you work late, for free, if the whole store wasn’t clean within an hour or so of closing. The managers were feared and hated, and they treated us like scum, but the hostilities never rose to the level of police intervention.

Years later, when the popular TV show Buffy the Vampire Slayer came out, one season’s subplot centered around a major character with a shoplifting habit. She stole, per the show, hundreds of dollars worth of merchandise from her workplace and the local mall. She was white, too, and maybe that’s why it didn’t seem weird that she never faced much in the way of consequences beyond paying restitution to the stores.

I can’t even tell you how many times I or friends of mine have jaywalked. Scofflaws!

I’ve copied personal documents on my employers’ photocopiers before. You? Because that’s theft. Don’t tell me you’ve never taken so much as a paper clip home from the supply cupboard. I’d know you were lying. Don’t tell me it wasn’t wrong because no one cared. Of course no one cared. Exactly.

I, and dozens of white people I’ve known through the years, have smoked marijuana. Add in other illegal drugs, either done in my presence or by direct admission, and we’re probably talking about 150 people directly known to me. Sometimes there were minors present, or partaking. Sometimes state lines were crossed. I was on a college trip once where nearly my entire mostly white class gathered after dark in a state park and passed a joint around. I was at a friend’s house once, with a group of other young white professionals, and another white person from the neighborhood popped in, cooked some party drug on the stove, offered it around, and then left when no one was interested. I lived in a college community for a fancy private and mostly white school where you can just walk down the street and smell weed most evenings. White people do a lot of drugs, like everybody else.

Destruction of property? I heard via my then boyfriend, a few months after the fact, about multiple groups of white teenage boys who drove around our north Los Angeles County community shooting out car windows with pellet guns when I was in high school. They hit cars in front of my house twice as retaliation against my parents for disliking my boyfriend, who was their friend. It’s possible one or two individuals may have been caught over what was apparently tens of thousands of dollars in damage, but I had other things going on in my life and I didn’t give a damn about broken windows.

I can’t imagine a scenario in which one of these petty crimes was responded to by a police killing of an unarmed person. I don’t know anyone who would have felt safe in their community after that. Everyone would have completely lost it, me included.

I’m not naming names, and I think statutes of limitation are long past, but I have witnessed hundreds of individual criminal acts of the type I’ve seen white people in America say are exculpatory of the unjustified killing of a Black person. I personally witnessed hundreds of misdemeanors and felonies, state and federal, committed by white people before I turned 30. I’m no Hunter S. Thompson, either, because while that sounds like a lot of stuff going down, it was mostly from a handful of parties, a smaller handful of friends, and two exes. And I know, like, four people who’ve ever gone to jail for a lick of it. People mostly sympathized with our parents’ efforts to get us back on track so we could grow out of that phase and settle down.

No one ever suggested, or ever would, that any of us deserved to get shot on sight for any of that. Even my neighbor who once told me he’d turned someone in for growing marijuana, in retaliation for loud music, didn’t seem to think anyone deserved to die over it.

But I got called a fascist the other day for saying that I thought Officer Darren Wilson should turn himself over to the criminal justice system after shooting an unarmed teenager. Because apparently it’s fascist to want accountability when the police shoot unarmed civilians of oppressed minority groups while they’re trying to surrender. Fascism doesn’t mean what it used to, I guess.

Numerous people discussing #Ferguson on Twitter have pointed out that white Bundy Ranch protesters pointed sniper rifles at federal agents and didn’t even get arrested. The white Penn State students who rioted after Joe Paterno’s firing were treated like unruly pranksters in spite of causing significant property destruction. None of them got indiscriminately tear gassed. No one rolled out LRAD sound cannons. Pretty much everyone involved was going to just walk away, because it was clearly the goal of law enforcement that the situations not seriously escalate into physical violence: Get your anger out and then everybody go back to your regular lives. It almost even worked.

White ranchers, white college kids, white sandwich slingers, and office drones are treated like they have some intrinsic value to society such that our untimely deaths would be considered tragic. Police don’t treat Black people with the same care. They do not. And as nearly impossible as it is for white people killed by police to get justice, because policing in the United States is rarely accountable, it’s different from other types of homicide because it’s government employees doing it on the public dime. When a government sometimes operates on the premise that terrorizing Black and Latin@ youth is a legitimate tool of public safety, as if “the public” does not include these harassed and often brutalized individuals, it’s especially pernicious.

In the financial crisis of 2008, large financial institutions were revealed to be thieves. Mortgage lenders stole entire houses. Stole. Houses. None of them got treated like Michael Brown. None of them got treated like the millions of stop-and-frisk targets in New York City alone. When Occupy Wall Street protesters assembled in opposition to their thefts, police protected the thieves and roughed up the protesters. White people were surprised to see the police act like that, while Black people had been expecting it all along because that’s their normal.

When a report from the National Employment Law Project revealed that wage theft against low-income employees outstripped bank, gas station, and convenience store robberies in 2008, no one rushed to press charges. No one’s constantly talking about the criminal thuggery of America’s low-wage employers, or the culture problem of the entrepreneurial set, throwing that statistic in the face of every small business owner who ever appears on television.

Way back when, white people stole the whole damn continent. White people once stole the entire value of the life’s work of millions of enslaved Africans, and the descendants of those white people sometimes call the descendants of those formerly enslaved persons lazy. It boggles the mind.

In white communities, Child Protective Services usually only steps in during obvious tragedy. Like the police, white people see CPS rarely and usually in a capacity of protecting and serving. In Native communities and other communities of color where the state definition of “neglect” can be as simple as poverty, CPS’s behavior is more like mass child theft, which is a recognized form of genocide. Researchers have found Black children being taken from their families at twice the rate of white children.

Meanwhile, I think my white predecessors have been beating their kids since they got off the boats from Europe, and they were quite poor at times. No one in those past generations of my family ever had their children taken away by the state. I was whipped with belts and wooden spoons as a child, and no social worker ever came to our house. White people in conservative Christian churches still today share child abuse tips and actively seek out advice on how to get away with beating children in the name of Biblical discipline, and yet there is no stolen generation of white Christian children in America.

Would it be better if more people got harassed, arrested, jailed, shot dead in the street, had their families broken up, or lost family members in response to a constant parade of flawed humanity not living up to our legal ideals? No. I don’t think more brutality will ever convince people that brutality is wrong. White people need to be renouncing violence, not expanding it.

There does need to be a civilian peacekeeping force in our communities. There needs to be some kind of accountability that keeps our transgressions against each other from getting out of hand, without clamping down so tightly that the police will show up for spitting out your gum on the sidewalk. But what we need is not a new kind of war on crime run by police officers who consider excessive force an inalienable prerogative of their jobs. Stop with the wars, already.

The United States instead needs to make peace with Black people, as well as other people of color, and people living in poverty.

Because it would not be too much of a stretch to say that the so-called war on drugs has mostly been a war on Black people, with plenty of other people of color and white people too poor to spring for a good attorney thrown in for good measure. But mostly, a war on Black people.

It would not be too much of a stretch to say that the war on crime has turned into a way to tax poor people by running them through a ruinously expensive criminal justice system to cover costs that local governments can no longer find the political will to tax wealthier, whiter residents to pay for. But that larger and longer war on crime primarily started as, and has continued primarily to be, a war on Black people. It’s been that way since the passage of the 14th Amendment made it possible to deny the vote to people charged with any crime, and racist white state and local governments figured out a new way for Black people to be denied the right to vote while inflating the proportional representation of white people at the same time.

What needs to happen now is that we must stop measuring our commitment to public safety by racking up arrests, prosecutions, probations, and incarcerations, because there aren’t enough armored cars in the world to make that work. Real public safety comes from friendship, trust, and people looking out for each other’s well being; but you can forget about any of that when someone gets arrested, beaten, and then charged with a crime for allegedly bleeding on people.

It would be no stretch at all to say that policing in the United States has traditionally seen Black people as an enemy of white public safety, rather than as members of a unified public who are all equally deserving of being protected and served.

People say we need to outlaw so many things, put so many people in jail, to protect the kids. Kids like Michael Brown? Kids in jail? The many thousands of very young people caught up unfairly in the criminal justice system often started there as children who didn’t get up to anything worse than I, or many other young white people, did.

More than half of all Black men without a high school diploma will spend time in prison—places where torture and rape and all kinds of abuse are known to go on—and that isn’t an accident. How old were you when you heard your first prison rape joke? Let the horror of that sink all the way in. Even brief, unexceptional stays in prison are degrading and inhumane by any standard of ordinary life. Black people make up 12 percent of the U.S. population, but 40 percent of the prison population, and too many white people seem fine with that.

But if white people want to put racial discrimination in the past like we keep claiming, that discrimination must first come to an end. We need to declare peace in America and then put in the work to make it happen.

The widely reported police declaration that Ferguson was a “war zone” in the wake of Michael Brown’s killing was telling. The police don’t have the power to declare war. And they didn’t. The war that raged, and continues to rage, in Ferguson was there before those police were born, before there was press around to cover itit’s a war local police forces have been waging against Black people for as long as there have been police in the United States. Where else besides a war do you see a dead body in the street and instead of treating it like a crime scene, the authorities point to the killer’s commendable service record, armor up, and come back itching for a bigger fight?

That’s the attitude of a people at war, even if white people can’t admit that we’ve been party to one. But we have. So we must demand a ceasefire and an end to provocation from every government agency that we fund with our tax dollars. There can be nothing but derision for people who claim the title “patriot” for ordering a latte while packing an assault rifle, but don’t bat an eyelash when a 22-year-old father can be shot to death in a store for picking up a toy gun. And white people, no more calling police just because you see an unexpected Black person. It should not be a crime to make white people twitchy, but Black people have been shot to death by police for exactly that reason.

When someone shoots a white person, even if any given suspect is innocent until proven guilty, the killing itself is considered a crime until proven otherwise because the dead person is presumed innocent of having deserved such a fate. Dead Black person? Well, people were scared, they might have been on drugs, I think I saw a gang sign, check out those clothes…

Stop with the excuses.

White people, there’s already been a race war in the United States. White people won. You can walk outside anywhere in this country or turn on any media outlet and find evidence that this is true. Enough. It’s time for peace, and here’s one way we can start:

It must be considered a crime until proven otherwise to kill a Black person in America.

A serious crime. Not like smoking a joint in the woods, shoplifting small consumer goods, or any of a hundred other stupid things white people do with the reasonable expectation that there will usually be no consequences even though there’s a statute against it somewhere. Because only when it is considered, in practice, a crime to kill a Black person will it be possible to have peace in the United States.

Analysis Economic Justice

New Pennsylvania Bill Is Just One Step Toward Helping Survivors of Economic Abuse

Annamarya Scaccia

The legislation would allow victims of domestic violence, sexual assault, and stalking to terminate their lease early or request locks be changed if they have "a reasonable fear" that they will continue to be harmed while living in their unit.

Domestic violence survivors often face a number of barriers that prevent them from leaving abusive situations. But a new bill awaiting action in the Pennsylvania legislature would let survivors in the state break their rental lease without financial repercussions—potentially allowing them to avoid penalties to their credit and rental history that could make getting back on their feet more challenging. Still, the bill is just one of several policy improvements necessary to help survivors escape abusive situations.

Right now in Pennsylvania, landlords can take action against survivors who break their lease as a means of escape. That could mean a lien against the survivor or an eviction on their credit report. The legislation, HB 1051, introduced by Rep. Madeleine Dean (D-Montgomery County), would allow victims of domestic violence, sexual assault, and stalking to terminate their lease early or request locks be changed if they have “a reasonable fear” that they will continue to be harmed while living in their unit. The bipartisan bill, which would amend the state’s Landlord and Tenant Act, requires survivors to give at least 30 days’ notice of their intent to be released from the lease.

Research shows survivors often return to or delay leaving abusive relationships because they either can’t afford to live independently or have little to no access to financial resources. In fact, a significant portion of homeless women have cited domestic violence as the leading cause of homelessness.

“As a society, we get mad at survivors when they don’t leave,” Kim Pentico, economic justice program director of the National Network to End Domestic Violence (NNEDV), told Rewire. “You know what, her name’s on this lease … That’s going to impact her ability to get and stay safe elsewhere.”

“This is one less thing that’s going to follow her in a negative way,” she added.

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Pennsylvania landlords have raised concerns about the law over liability and rights of other tenants, said Ellen Kramer, deputy director of program services at the Pennsylvania Coalition Against Domestic Violence, which submitted a letter in support of the bill to the state House of Representatives. Lawmakers have considered amendments to the bill—like requiring “proof of abuse” from the courts or a victim’s advocate—that would heed landlord demands while still attempting to protect survivors.

But when you ask a survivor to go to the police or hospital to obtain proof of abuse, “it may put her in a more dangerous position,” Kramer told Rewire, noting that concessions that benefit landlords shift the bill from being victim-centered.

“It’s a delicate balancing act,” she said.

The Urban Affairs Committee voted HB 1051 out of committee on May 17. The legislation was laid on the table on June 23, but has yet to come up for a floor vote. Whether the bill will move forward is uncertain, but proponents say that they have support at the highest levels of government in Pennsylvania.

“We have a strong advocate in Governor Wolf,” Kramer told Rewire.

Financial Abuse in Its Many Forms

Economic violence is a significant characteristic of domestic violence, advocates say. An abuser will often control finances in the home, forcing their victim to hand over their paycheck and not allow them access to bank accounts, credit cards, and other pecuniary resources. Many abusers will also forbid their partner from going to school or having a job. If the victim does work or is a student, the abuser may then harass them on campus or at their place of employment until they withdraw or quit—if they’re not fired.

Abusers may also rack up debt, ruin their partner’s credit score, and cancel lines of credit and insurance policies in order to exact power and control over their victim. Most offenders will also take money or property away from their partner without permission.

“Financial abuse is so multifaceted,” Pentico told Rewire.

Pentico relayed the story of one survivor whose abuser smashed her cell phone because it would put her in financial dire straits. As Pentico told it, the abuser stole her mobile phone, which was under a two-year contract, and broke it knowing that the victim could not afford a new handset. The survivor was then left with a choice of paying for a bill on a phone she could no longer use or not paying the bill at all and being turned into collections, which would jeopardize her ability to rent her own apartment or switch to a new carrier. “Things she can’t do because he smashed her smartphone,” Pentico said.

“Now the general public [could] see that as, ‘It’s a phone, get over it,'” she told Rewire. “Smashing that phone in a two-year contract has such ripple effects on her financial world and on her ability to get and stay safe.”

In fact, members of the public who have not experienced domestic abuse may overlook financial abuse or minimize it. A 2009 national poll from the Allstate Foundation—the philanthropic arm of the Illinois-based insurance company—revealed that nearly 70 percent of Americans do not associate financial abuse with domestic violence, even though it’s an all-too-common tactic among abusers: Economic violence happens in 98 percent of abusive relationships, according to the NNEDV.

Why people fail to make this connection can be attributed, in part, to the lack of legal remedy for financial abuse, said Carol Tracy, executive director of the Women’s Law Project, a public interest law center in Pennsylvania. A survivor can press criminal charges or seek a civil protection order when there’s physical abuse, but the country’s legal justice system has no equivalent for economic or emotional violence, whether the victim is married to their abuser or not, she said.

Some advocates, in lieu of recourse through the courts, have teamed up with foundations to give survivors individual tools to use in economically abusive situations. In 2005, the NNEDV partnered with the Allstate Foundation to develop a curriculum that would teach survivors about financial abuse and financial safety. Through the program, survivors are taught about financial safety planning including individual development accounts, IRA, microlending credit repair, and credit building services.

State coalitions can receive grant funding to develop or improve economic justice programs for survivors, as well as conduct economic empowerment and curriculum trainings with local domestic violence groups. In 2013—the most recent year for which data is available—the foundation awarded $1 million to state domestic violence coalitions in grants that ranged from $50,000 to $100,000 to help support their economic justice work.

So far, according to Pentico, the curriculum has performed “really great” among domestic violence coalitions and its clients. Survivors say they are better informed about economic justice and feel more empowered about their own skills and abilities, which has allowed them to make sounder financial decisions.

This, in turn, has allowed them to escape abuse and stay safe, she said.

“We for a long time chose to see money and finances as sort of this frivolous piece of the safety puzzle,” Pentico told Rewire. “It really is, for many, the piece of the puzzle.”

Public Policy as a Means of Economic Justice

Still, advocates say that public policy, particularly disparate workplace conditions, plays an enormous role in furthering financial abuse. The populations who are more likely to be victims of domestic violence—women, especially trans women and those of color—are also the groups more likely to be underemployed or unemployed. A 2015 LGBT Health & Human Services Network survey, for example, found that 28 percent of working-age transgender women were unemployed and out of school.

“That’s where [economic abuse] gets complicated,” Tracy told Rewire. “Some of it is the fault of the abuser, and some of it is the public policy failures that just don’t value women’s participation in the workforce.”

Victims working low-wage jobs often cannot save enough to leave an abusive situation, advocates say. What they do make goes toward paying bills, basic living needs, and their share of housing expenses—plus child-care costs if they have kids. In the end, they’re not left with much to live on—that is, if their abuser hasn’t taken away access to their own earnings.

“The ability to plan your future, the ability to get away from [abuse], that takes financial resources,” Tracy told Rewire. “It’s just so much harder when you don’t have them and when you’re frightened, and you’re frightened for yourself and your kids.”

Public labor policy can also inhibit a survivor’s ability to escape. This year, five states, Washington, D.C., and 24 jurisdictions will have passed or enacted paid sick leave legislation, according to A Better Balance, a family and work legal center in New York City. As of April, only one of those states—California—also passed a state paid family leave insurance law, which guarantees employees receive pay while on leave due to pregnancy, disability, or serious health issues. (New Jersey, Rhode Island, Washington, and New York have passed similar laws.) Without access to paid leave, Tracy said, survivors often cannot “exercise one’s rights” to file a civil protection order, attend court hearings, or access housing services or any other resource needed to escape violence.

Furthermore, only a handful of state laws protect workers from discrimination based on sex, sexual orientation, gender identity, and pregnancy or familial status (North Carolina, on the other hand, recently passed a draconian state law that permits wide-sweeping bias in public and the workplace). There is no specific federal law that protects LGBTQ workers, but the U.S. Employment Opportunity Commission has clarified that the Civil Rights Act of 1964 does prohibit discrimination based on gender identity and sexual orientation.

Still, that doesn’t necessarily translate into practice. For example, the National Center for Transgender Equality found that 26 percent of transgender people were let go or fired because of anti-trans bias, while 50 percent of transgender workers reported on-the-job harassment. Research shows transgender people are at a higher risk of being fired because of their trans identity, which would make it harder for them to leave an abusive relationship.

“When issues like that intersect with domestic violence, it’s devastating,” Tracy told Rewire. “Frequently it makes it harder, if not impossible, for [victims] to leave battering situations.”

For many survivors, their freedom from abuse also depends on access to public benefits. Programs like Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), the child and dependent care credit, and earned income tax credit give low-income survivors access to the money and resources needed to be on stable economic ground. One example: According to the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, where a family of three has one full-time nonsalary worker earning $10 an hour, SNAP can increase their take-home income by up to 20 percent.

These programs are “hugely important” in helping lift survivors and their families out of poverty and offset the financial inequality they face, Pentico said.

“When we can put cash in their pocket, then they may have the ability to then put a deposit someplace or to buy a bus ticket to get to family,” she told Rewire.

But these programs are under constant attack by conservative lawmakers. In March, the House Republicans approved a 2017 budget plan that would all but gut SNAP by more than $150 million over the next ten years. (Steep cuts already imposed on the food assistance program have led to as many as one million unemployed adults losing their benefits over the course of this year.) The House GOP budget would also strip nearly $500 billion from other social safety net programs including TANF, child-care assistance, and the earned income tax credit.

By slashing spending and imposing severe restrictions on public benefits, politicians are guaranteeing domestic violence survivors will remain stuck in a cycle of poverty, advocates say. They will stay tethered to their abuser because they will be unable to have enough money to live independently.

“When women leave in the middle of the night with the clothes on their back, kids tucked under their arms, come into shelter, and have no access to finances or resources, I can almost guarantee you she’s going to return,” Pentico told Rewire. “She has to return because she can’t afford not to.”

By contrast, advocates say that improving a survivor’s economic security largely depends on a state’s willingness to remedy what they see as public policy failures. Raising the minimum wage, mandating equal pay, enacting paid leave laws, and prohibiting employment discrimination—laws that benefit the entire working class—will make it much less likely that a survivor will have to choose between homelessness and abuse.

States can also pass proactive policies like the bill proposed in Pennsylvania, to make it easier for survivors to leave abusive situations in the first place. Last year, California enacted a law that similarly allows abuse survivors to terminate their lease without getting a restraining order or filing a police report permanent. Virginia also put in place an early lease-termination law for domestic violence survivors in 2013.

A “more equitable distribution of wealth is what we need, what we’re talking about,” Tracy told Rewire.

As Pentico put it, “When we can give [a survivor] access to finances that help her get and stay safe for longer, her ability to protect herself and her children significantly increases.”

News Human Rights

Remaining Charges Dropped Against Officers in Freddie Gray Case

Michelle D. Anderson

Gray, who was Black, died of a neck injury a week after being taken into police custody in April 2015. The 25-year-old’s death led to widespread protest and civil disobedience against racial injustice and a number of reforms in Baltimore and across Maryland.

Three Baltimore Police Department officers charged in the 2015 death of Freddie Gray will not go to trial as originally planned.

Chief Deputy State Attorney Michael Schatzow of the Baltimore City State Attorney’s Office said during a court hearing Wednesday that his office would not prosecute Officer Garrett Miller and Sgt. Alicia White or attempt to retry Officer William Porter, whose case ended in a mistrial in December.

Baltimore City State’s Attorney Marilyn Mosby had charged Miller, White, and Porter, along with Officer Edward Nero, Officer Caesar Goodson Jr., and Lt. Brian Rice, in Gray’s May 2015 death in police custody.

The officers faced an array of charges, ranging from second-degree depraved-heart murder and reckless endangerment to second-degree assault and involuntary manslaughter.

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All of the officers pleaded not guilty.

Judge Circuit Judge Barry G. Williams acquitted Nero, Goodson, and Rice during bench trials that ended in May, June, and July, respectively. Miller’s trial was set to begin Wednesday; White, October 13, and Porter, September 6.

Gray, who was Black, died of a neck injury a week after being taken into police custody in April 2015. The 25-year-old’s death led to widespread protest and civil disobedience against racial injustice and a number of reforms in Baltimore and across Maryland.

Mosby, in filing charges against the officers, attempted to hold law enforcement accountable for failing to secure Gray in a seat belt after transporting him in a police van following his arrest, among other alleged negligent acts. Prosecutors charged that Gray was illegally detained before police officers found a knife in his pocket.

Mosby stood by her decision to bring charges against the six officers during a brief press conference held near the Gilmor Homes public housing project, where Gray was taken into police custody.

“We stand by the medical examiners determination that Freddie Gray’s death was a homicide,” Mosby said.

She touted her team’s success during the trials, including an appellate court victory that led some officers to testify against one another and asserted that a summary judgment was among many reasons she had “legitimate reasons” to pursue criminal charges.

Mosby praised the reforms that had come over the past year, including a new “use of force” policy Baltimore police instituted this year. The new policy emphasizes de-escalation and accountability. It marks the first rewrite of the policy since 2003.

“For those that believe I am anti-police, that’s simply not the case. I am anti-police brutality,” Mosby said.

The conference was the first time Mosby had spoken in months, since a gag order imposed by Williams had kept prosecution and defense alike from commenting on the police trials.

The decision to drop charges stemmed from “an apparent acknowledgement” that convictions were unlikely for the remaining officers, the Baltimore Sun reported.

This was because the prosecution would face major challenges during Miller’s trial since they wouldn’t be able to use anything he said on the witness stand during Nero’s trial in an attempt to convict him. Miller had spoken during Nero’s trial in an immunized testimony and with protections against self incrimination, the Sun reported.

Williams said in previous trials that prosecutors failed to show sufficient evidence to support their stance that the officers acted recklessly and caused Gray’s death. He said prosecutors wanted him to rely on “presumptions or assumptions” and rejected the notion that police intentionally gave Gray a “rough ride” in the police vehicle, according to numerous news reports.

The decision to drop charges drew criticism from many activists and citizens alike, but drew praise from the Baltimore City Fraternal Order of Police Lodge 3 union, which had repeatedly urged the prosecution to drop charges.

Baltimore Bloc, a local grassroots group, said in a statement this spring that Mosby should be removed from office for failing to secure convictions against officers and continued to criticize her on Twitter after the announcement that charges would be dropped.