One of the many services and programs to be shuttered during the shutdown is the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children, which helps low-income pregnant women and parents with young children facing nutritional risk by providing vouchers for healthy foods and infant formula.
Some may say the shutdown of the federal government highlights that the ethos of House Republicans is “women and children first,” as in: “women and children are first in line to be sacrificed on the altar of political stagecraft.”
One of the many services and programs to be shuttered during the shutdown is the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC). The program helps low-income pregnant women and parents with children under 5 years old facing nutritional risk by providing vouchers for healthy foods and infant formula, as well as services such as nutrition education, breastfeeding, and referrals to health and social programs.
According to the National WIC Association, nationwide nearly nine million people rely on WIC every month—including roughly half of all babies born in the United States.
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According to a memo issued by the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) last week, “States may have some funds available … to continue [WIC] operations for a week or so. But States would likely be unable to sustain operations for a longer period.”
Some states didn’t last the week. For example, by the end of business Tuesday, most of the 66 WIC clinics serving 66,000 people in Utah were shut down, according to the Deseret News.
Aimee Tysarczyk, spokesperson for the Pennsylvania Department of Health, estimates that the state spends an average of $3 million to $4 million a week on the program. In an email to Rewire, she noted that Pennsylvania has enough money to fund normal WIC operations “for a few weeks.”
“We have approximately $6.3 million in carry forward funds for the administrative side and approximately $19.2 million in food funds, including rebates, to keep us operational in the short term,” said Tysarczyk.
But in the case of a long-term shutdown, the plan to continue WIC in Pennsylvania is unclear.
“If a long-term shutdown takes place, the department and the Corbett administration will do all we can to minimize impacts to recipients who depend on these vital services, to the extent possible,” said Tysarczyk.
Tysarczyk says that in the meanwhile, the agency is working directly with the USDA on a long-term contingency plan.
Like many other states, a halt in WIC services in Pennsylvania will disproportionately affect women and children of color.
According to the Pennsylvania Department of Health, maternal and infant mortality rates were “significantly higher” among Black residents compared to white residents. In fact, infant mortality rates for Black Pennsylvanians is over two times higher than the rate for whites. Low birth weight and a total lack of prenatal care are significantly higher among Hispanic Pennsylvanians than white residents.
Donald Trump's running mate has said that "life is winning in Indiana"—and the biggest winner is probably a chain of crisis pregnancy centers that landed a $3.5 million contract in funds originally intended for poor Hoosiers.
Much has been made of Republican Gov. Mike Pence’s record on LGBTQ issues. In 2000, when he was running for U.S. representative, Pence wrote that “Congress should oppose any effort to recognize homosexual’s [sic] as a ‘discreet and insular minority’ [sic] entitled to the protection of anti-discrimination laws similar to those extended to women and ethnic minorities.” He also said that funds meant to help people living with HIV or AIDS should no longer be given to organizations that provide HIV prevention services because they “celebrate and encourage” homosexual activity. Instead, he proposed redirecting those funds to anti-LGBTQ “conversion therapy” programs, which have been widely discredited by the medical community as being ineffective and dangerous.
Under Pence, ideology has replaced evidence in many areas of public life. In fact, Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump has just hired a running mate who, in the past year, has reallocated millions of dollars in public funds intended to provide food and health care for needy families to anti-choice crisis pregnancy centers.
Gov. Pence, who declined multiple requests for an interview with Rewire, has been outspoken about his anti-choice agenda. Currently, Indiana law requires people seeking abortions to receive in-person “counseling” and written information from a physician or other health-care provider 18 hours before the abortion begins. And thanks, in part, to other restrictive laws making it more difficult for clinics to operate, there are currently six abortion providers in Indiana, and none in the northern part of the state. Only four of Indiana’s 92 counties have an abortion provider. All this means that many people in need of abortion care are forced to take significant time off work, arrange child care, and possibly pay for a place to stay overnight in order to obtain it.
This environment is why a contract quietly signed by Pence last fall with the crisis pregnancy center umbrella organization Real Alternatives is so potentially dangerous for Indiana residents seeking abortion: State-subsidized crisis pregnancy centers not only don’t provide abortion but seek to persuade people out of seeking abortion, thus limiting their options.
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“Indiana is committed to the health, safety, and wellbeing [sic] of Hoosier families, women, and children,” reads the first line of the contract between the Indiana State Department of Health and Real Alternatives. The contract, which began on October 1, 2015, allocates $3.5 million over the course of a year for Real Alternatives to use to fund crisis pregnancy centers throughout the state.
Where Funding Comes From
The money for the Real Alternatives contract comes from Indiana’s Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) block grant, a federally funded, state-run program meant to support the most vulnerable households with children. The program was created by the 1996 Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act signed by former President Bill Clinton. It changed welfare from a federal program that gave money directly to needy families to one that gave money, and a lot of flexibility with how to use it, to the states.
This TANF block grant is supposed to provide low-income families a monthly cash stipend that can be used for rent, child care, and food. But states have wide discretion over these funds: In general, they must use the money to serve families with children, but they can also fund programs meant, for example, to promote marriage. They can also make changes to the requirements for fund eligibility.
As of 2012, to be eligible for cash assistance in Indiana, a household’s maximum monthly earnings could not exceed $377, the fourth-lowest level of qualification of all 50 states, according to a report by the Congressional Research Service. Indiana’s program also has some of the lowest maximum payouts to recipients in the country.
Part of this is due to a 2011 work requirement that stripped eligibility from many families. Under the new work requirement, a parent or caretaker receiving assistance needs to be “engaged in work once the State determines the parent or caretaker is ready to engage in work,” or after 24 months of receiving benefits. The maximum time allowed federally for a family to receive assistance is 60 months.
“There was a TANF policy change effective November 2011 that required an up-front job search to be completed at the point of application before we would proceed in authorizing TANF benefits,” Jim Gavin, a spokesman for the state’s Family and Social Services Administration (FSSA), told Rewire. “Most [applicants] did not complete the required job search and thus applications were denied.”
Unspent money from the block grant can be carried over to following years. Indiana receives an annual block grant of $206,799,109, but the state hasn’t been using all of it thanks to those low payouts and strict eligibility requirements. The budget for the Real Alternatives contract comes from these carry-over funds.
According to the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, TANF is explicitly meant to clothe and feed children, or to create programs that help prevent “non-marital childbearing,” and Indiana’s contract with Real Alternatives does neither. The contract stipulates that Real Alternatives and its subcontractors must “actively promote childbirth instead of abortion.” The funds, the contract says, cannot be used for organizations that will refer clients to abortion providers or promote contraceptives as a way to avoid unplanned pregnancies and sexually transmitted infections.
Parties involved in the contract defended it to Rewire by saying they provide material goods to expecting and new parents, but Rewire obtained documents that showed a much different reality.
Real Alternatives is an anti-choice organization run by Kevin Bagatta, a Pennsylvania lawyer who has no known professional experience with medical or mental health services. It helps open, finance, and refer clients to crisis pregnancy centers. The program started in Pennsylvania, where it received a $30 million, five-year grant to support a network of 40 subcontracting crisis pregnancy centers. Auditor General Eugene DePasquale called for an audit of the organization between June 2012 and June 2015 after hearing reports of mismanaged funds, and found $485,000 in inappropriate billing. According to the audit, Real Alternatives would not permit DHS to review how the organization used those funds. However, the Pittsburgh Post-Gazettereported in April that at least some of the money appears to have been designated for programs outside the state.
Real Alternatives also received an $800,000 contract in Michigan, which inspired Gov. Pence to fund a $1 million yearlong pilot program in northern Indiana in the fall of 2014.
“The widespread success [of the pilot program] and large demand for these services led to the statewide expansion of the program,” reads the current $3.5 million contract. It is unclear what measures the state used to define “success.”
“Every Other Baby … Starts With Women’s Care Center”
Real Alternatives has 18 subcontracting centers in Indiana; 15 of them are owned by Women’s Care Center, a chain of crisis pregnancy centers. According to its website, Women’s Care Center serves 25,000 women annually in 23 centers throughout Florida, Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, Minnesota, Ohio, and Wisconsin.
Women’s Care Centers in Indiana received 18 percent of their operating budget from state’s Real Alternatives program during the pilot year, October 1, 2014 through September 30, 2015, which were mostly reimbursements for counseling and classes throughout pregnancy, rather than goods and services for new parents.
In fact, instead of the dispensation of diapers and food, “the primary purpose of the [Real Alternatives] program is to provide core services consisting of information, sharing education, and counseling that promotes childbirth and assists pregnant women in their decision regarding adoption or parenting,” the most recent contract reads.
The program’s reimbursement system prioritizes these anti-choice classes and counseling sessions: The more they bill for, the more likely they are to get more funding and thus open more clinics.
“This performance driven [sic] reimbursement system rewards vendor service providers who take their program reimbursement and reinvest in their services by opening more centers and hiring more counselors to serve more women in need,” reads the contract.
Classes, which are billed as chastity classes, parenting classes, pregnancy classes, and childbirth classes, are reimbursed at $21.80 per client. Meanwhile, as per the most recent contract, counseling sessions, which are separate from the classes, are reimbursed by the state at minimum rates of $1.09 per minute.
Jenny Hunsberger, vice president of Women’s Care Center, told Rewire that half of all pregnant women in Elkhart, LaPorte, Marshall, and St. Joseph Counties, and one in four pregnant women in Allen County, are clients of their centers. To receive any material goods, such as diapers, food, and clothing, she said, all clients must receive this counseling, at no cost to them. Such counseling is billed by the minute for reimbursement.
“When every other baby born [in those counties] starts with Women’s Care Center, that’s a lot of minutes,” Hunsberger told Rewire.
Rewire was unable to verify exactly what is said in those counseling sessions, except that they are meant to encourage clients to carry their pregnancies to term and to help them decide between adoption or child rearing, according to Hunsberger. As mandated by the contract, both counseling and classes must “provide abstinence education as the best and only method of avoiding unplanned pregnancies and sexually transmitted infections.”
In the first quarter of the new contract alone, Women’s Care Center billed Real Alternatives and, in turn, the state, $239,290.97; about $150,000 of that was for counseling, according to documents obtained by Rewire. In contrast, goods like food, diapers, and other essentials for new parents made up only about 18.5 percent of Women’s Care Center’s first-quarter reimbursements.
Despite the fact that the state is paying for counseling at Women’s Care Center, Rewire was unable to find any licensing for counselors affiliated with the centers. Hunsberger told Rewire that counseling assistants and counselors complete a minimum training of 200 hours overseen by a master’s level counselor, but the counselors and assistants do not all have social work or psychology degrees. Hunsberger wrote in an email to Rewire that “a typical Women’s Care Center is staffed with one or more highly skilled counselors, MSW or equivalent.”
Rewire followed up for more information regarding what “typical” or “equivalent” meant, but Hunsberger declined to answer. A search for licenses for the known counselors at Women’s Care Center’s Indiana locations turned up nothing. The Indiana State Department of Health told Rewire that it does not monitor or regulate the staff at Real Alternatives’ subcontractors, and both Women’s Care Center and Real Alternatives were uncooperative when asked for more information regarding their counseling staff and training.
Bethany Christian Services and Heartline Pregnancy Center, Real Alternatives’ other Indiana subcontractors, billed the program $380.41 and $404.39 respectively in the first quarter. They billed only for counseling sessions, and not goods or classes.
“We don’t provide medical services. We provide human services,” Bagatta told the City Paper.
There are pregnancy centers in Indiana that provide a full range of referrals for reproductive health care, including for STI testing and abortion. However, they are not eligible for reimbursement under the Real Alternatives contract because they do not maintain an anti-choice mission.
Parker Dockray is the executive director of Backline, an all-options pregnancy resource center. She told Rewire that Backline serves hundreds of Indiana residents each month, and is overwhelmed by demand for diapers and other goods, but it is ineligible for the funding because it will refer women to abortion providers if they choose not to carry a pregnancy to term.
“At a time when so many Hoosier families are struggling to make ends meet, it is irresponsible for the state to divert funds intended to support low-income women and children and give it to organizations that provide biased pregnancy counseling,” Dockray told Rewire. “We wish that Indiana would use this funding to truly support families by providing job training, child care, and other safety net services, rather than using it to promote an anti-abortion agenda.”
“Life Is Winning in Indiana”
Time and again, Bagatta and Hunsberger stressed to Rewire that their organizations do not employ deceitful tactics to get women in the door and to convince them not to have abortions. However, multiple studies have proven that crisis pregnancy centers often lie to women from the moment they search online for an abortion provider through the end of their appointments inside the center.
These studies have also shown that publicly funded crisis pregnancy centers dispense medically inaccurate information to clients. In addition to spreading lies like abortion causing infertility or breast cancer, they are known to give false hopes of miscarriages to people who are pregnant and don’t want to be. A 2015 report by NARAL Pro-Choice America found this practice to be ubiquitous in centers throughout the United States, and Rewire found that Women’s Care Center is no exception. The organization’s website says that as many as 40 percent of pregnancies end in natural miscarriage. While early pregnancy loss is common, it occurs in about 10 percent of known pregnancies, according to the American Congress of Obstetricians and Gynecologists.
Crisis pregnancy centers also tend to crop up next to abortion clinics with flashy, deceitful signs that lead many to mistakenly walk into the wrong building. Once inside, clients are encouraged not to have an abortion.
A Google search for “abortion” and “Indianapolis” turns up an ad for the Women’s Care Center as the first result. It reads: “Abortion – Indianapolis – Free Ultrasound before Abortion. Located on 86th and Georgetown. We’re Here to Help – Call Us Today: Abortion, Ultrasound, Locations, Pregnancy.”
Hunsberger denies any deceit on the part of Women’s Care Center.
“Clients who walk in the wrong door are informed that we are not the abortion clinic and that we do not provide abortions,” Hunsberger told Rewire. “Often a woman will choose to stay or return because we provide services that she feels will help her make the best decision for her, including free medical-grade pregnancy tests and ultrasounds which help determine viability and gestational age.”
Planned Parenthood of Indiana and Kentucky told Rewire that since Women’s Care Center opened on 86th and Georgetown in Indianapolis, many patients looking for its Georgetown Health Center have walked through the “wrong door.”
“We have had patients miss appointments because they went into their building and were kept there so long they missed their scheduled time,” Judi Morrison, vice president of marketing and education, told Rewire.
Sarah Bardol, director of Women’s Care Center’s Indianapolis clinic, told the Criterion Online Edition, a publication of the Archdiocese of Indianapolis, that the first day the center was open, a woman and her boyfriend did walk into the “wrong door” hoping to have an abortion.
“The staff of the new Women’s Care Center in Indianapolis, located just yards from the largest abortion provider in the state, hopes for many such ‘wrong-door’ incidents as they seek to help women choose life for their unborn babies,” reported the Criterion Online Edition.
If they submit to counseling, Hoosiers who walk into the “wrong door” and “choose life” can receive up to about $40 in goods over the course their pregnancy and the first year of that child’s life. Perhaps several years ago they may have been eligible for Temporary Assistance for Needy Families, but now with the work requirement, they may not qualify.
In a February 2016 interview with National Right to Life, one of the nation’s most prominent anti-choice groups, Gov. Pence said, “Life is winning in Indiana.” Though Pence was referring to the Real Alternatives contract, and the wave of anti-choice legislation sweeping through the state, it’s not clear what “life is winning” actually means. The state’s opioid epidemic claimed 1,172 lives in 2014, a statistically significant increase from the previous year, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. HIV infections have spread dramatically throughout the state, in part because of Pence’s unwillingness to support medically sound prevention practices. Indiana’s infant mortality rate is above the national average, and infant mortality among Black babies is even higher. And Pence has reduced access to prevention services such as those offered by Planned Parenthood through budget cuts and unnecessary regulations—while increasing spending on anti-choice crisis pregnancy centers.
Gov. Pence’s track record shows that these policies are no mistake. The medical and financial needs of his most vulnerable constituents have taken a backseat to religious ideology throughout his time in office. He has literally reallocated money for poor Hoosiers to fund anti-choice organizations. In his tenure as both a congressman and a governor, he’s proven that whether on a national or state level, he’s willing to put “pro-life” over quality-of-life for his constituents.
Pennsylvania’s ban on Medicaid coverage for transition-related care is discriminatory and unreasonable, says a transgender man who filed a federal court lawsuit against the state’s Department of Human Services Secretary Theodore Dallas in February.
The plaintiff, John Doe of Delaware County, says Medicaid denied him coverage in 2015 for an abdominal hysterectomy his doctor deemed medically necessary to treat his gender dysphoria diagnosis, according to the complaint. Doe’s complaint notes that “Medicaid coverage in Pennsylvania includes payments for medically necessary hysterectomies,” but that it bans those for individuals diagnosed with gender dysphoria. He claims state regulations banning transition-related care, which led to the coverage denial, violate federal and constitutional law. The courts granted Doe’s request for anonymity shortly after he filed his complaint.
Pennsylvania is one of 16 states that prohibit Medicaid coverage of transition-related care, including hysterectomies, gender confirmation surgeries, and hormone therapy. These exclusionary regulations deny many low-income transgender people access to medically necessary health care, advocates say, and cause physical, mental, and economic harm.
“Medicaid is supposed to be a safety net for people who can’t otherwise access health care,” said Harper Jean Tobin, director of policy at the National Center for Transgender Equality, in an interview with Rewire. “That puts people who need care and can’t afford it and can’t get covered under Medicaid in a very bad situation.”
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According to the complaint, Keystone First Health Plan, which administers Medicaid in southeastern Pennsylvania, denied Doe’s doctor’s insurance request for Medicaid coverage in July 2015. Doe appealed, but an administrative law judge upheld the decision in October 2015, stating that Keystone is bound to “clear and express regulations,” which do not “permit the approval of the requested hysterectomy.”
Doe is seeking an injunction to order DHS to immediately cover Doe for all transition-related care, as well as eliminate Pennsylvania’s exclusionary regulation. He also asked for a declaratory judgment ruling that Pennsylvania’s Medicaid exclusion regulations are discriminatory and a violation of the 14th Amendment’s Equal Protection Clause.
“We hope that that declaration will enable thousands of the neediest among us to be provided with Medicaid for their gender dysphoria,” said Doe’s attorney Julie Chovanes, who runs the Trans Resource Foundation.
The state responded to the complaint on March 31, denying allegations that its policy is discriminatory and unconstitutional. The state also believes that Doe is not entitled to any relief. At press time, no hearing or trial date had been set in Doe’s case.
“This Is Really Life or Death”
Exclusionary policies like Pennsylvania’s, advocates say, have a twofold effect: They deny necessary health care to transgender Americans and, in turn, threaten their economic stability and safety. Transgender people are disproportionately more likely to be poor and more likely to rely on needs-based state-run programs such as Medicaid, and research shows that they benefit from the very transition-related care for which Medicaid is denying them coverage.
A 2015 joint report by the Center for American Progress and the Movement Advancement Project found that transgender Americans are four times more likely to live on less than $10,000 a year per household than the cisgender population. Rates are even higher for transgender people of color—Asian and Pacific Islander (API) and Latino transgender Americans, for example, are nearly six times more likely to live in extreme poverty than cisgender API or Latino Americans, respectively.
“If you think about Medicaid as a policy that’s not just to protect people’s health but to potentially make it possible for people to climb out of poverty,” said Tobin, “then having broad exclusions on important health needs is something that helps keep them stuck in poverty.”
Research has shown the benefits of transition-related care. A 2015 Journal of Urban Health report found that when trans women have access to and utilize transition-related care, they are at significantly lower risk of suicidal thoughts and substance abuse. But remove that access, and transgender Medicaid enrollees are left in a precarious position, says Joanne Carroll, president of TransCentralPA, an advocacy group based in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. They may forgo care, leading to emotional, mental, and physical distress; they may find risky ways to pay for care or plunge deeper into poverty; or they may use illegal methods to get the care they need.
To that last point, Carroll said transgender people will sometimes buy hormones offshore without medical supervision or go to illegal silicone pumping parties because they can’t afford augmentation.
And it’s costing lives, she said. Last January, a 40-year-old transgender woman died after being injected with silicone at a party in Santa Ana, California. Another trans woman died on New Year’s Day 2014 after two months in a coma from illegal silicone injections. Trans Road Map has a list of further incidents from 2003 through 2011 on silicone-related deaths.
“Denying people health care is causing them to seek stuff off the radar,” Carroll told Rewire, “which is ultimately killing off a lot of people.”
Advocates note that Medicaid coverage alone won’t stop these off-the-radar methods, as intolerant doctors, inadequate medical services, and other systemic barriers cause trans people to seek out that care. But, they say, eliminating transgender health-care exclusions in Medicaid is a necessary step toward addressing these safety concerns, though not a complete solution.
Leading health organizations have affirmed the medical necessity of providing coverage for transition-related care throughout the years. In 2008, the American Medical Association and American Psychological Association both passed resolutions supporting transgender health-care inclusion in public and private health insurance. Similar declarations have been made by the American Congress of Obstetricians and Gynecologists in 2011, the American Academy of Family Physicians in 2012, and the American College of Physicians in 2015, to name a few.
“The evidence is there around the effectiveness and medical necessity of this type of care,” said M. Dru Levasseur, director of the Transgender Rights Project at Lambda Legal, in an interview with Rewire. “This is really a life-or-death issue for transgender people.”
“Actionable Under the Law”
In September, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) released proposed regulationsclarifying that civil rights protections afforded in Section 1557 of the Affordable Care Act also apply to Medicaid. The proposed HHS rule states that, under Section 1557’s sex discrimination ban, many health insurance plans—which include state-run Medicaid programs—cannot discriminate on the basis of gender identity. HHS already made this explicit for Medicare, which serves older Americans and people with disabilities, two years ago.
The proposed federal rule, then, upholds that Medicaid exclusions nationwide are discriminatory on their face, advocates say. “That basically sets out that this is actionable under the law,” said Levasseur.
HHS is expected to release its final rule this summer.
There’s case law to support HHS’s clarification. In March 2015, a federal court ruled in Rumble v. Fairview Health Services that anti-trans discrimination is prohibited under the ACA for providers and hospitals accepting federal Medicaid or Medicare funds. The federal lawsuit was brought on behalf of a young trans man in Minnesota who alleged health-care providers at a nonprofit hospital were intolerant and provided substandard care because of his gender identity.
But while federal law prohibits health-care discrimination by providers on the basis of gender identity, how it applies to Medicaid coverage varies state-to-state. Such spotty interpretation has led to a patchwork of policies protecting against transgender health-care discrimination.
Only 11 states plus the District of Columbia have Medicaid policies inclusive of transition-related care coverage, according to data from the Movement Advancement Project. Pennsylvania and 15 other states have explicit regulations denying such coverage of care. Twenty-three states have no clear rule on the matter. Nearly two-thirds of the LGBTQ population live in states that either have exclusionary policies or have no explicit policy at all.
Furthermore, 12 states plus the District of Columbia—nine of which have laws prohibiting health insurance discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity—have also banned transgender health-care exclusions from private insurance. (Although Minnesota mandates protections for transgender health care in private insurance, its state Medicaid program specifically excludes transition-related care, according to MAP.)
Advocates say that efforts to abolish state-sponsored exclusionary policies are already happening at the local, grassroots level. New York state announced in late 2014 that its Medicaid program would cover transgender health care after 12 years of campaigning by the Sylvia Rivera Law Project, a collective providing legal services to New York City’s transgender population. Advocates hope more states will roll back their prohibitory regulations as they wait for HHS to release its final rule.
“It’s a matter of time and multiple strategies for states to fall in line with where they should,” said Levasseur, “which is the medical consensus that you cannot have exclusions for certain people’s health care.”
The cost to states for inclusive transition-related Medicaid coverage would be negligible, advocates say. According to Tobin, states would only have to cover the health-care needs of “a relatively small part of the population” on Medicaid. In fact, when Oregon added transition-related care to its Medicaid program in 2014, the state’s Health Evidence Review Commission estimated it would cost the state less than $150,000 of its total annual Medicaid budget and impact about 175 enrollees per year, reported the Advocate.
“In that sense, it’s a drop in the bucket,” said Tobin. “But you’re also talking about spending a little bit of money now to prevent treating complications later.”
And, she continued, providing transition-related care would also cost states far less than covering later symptoms from untreated gender dysphoria, such as depression and substance abuse.
Pennsylvania Gov. Tom Wolf (D) has spoken out against the state’s Medicaid exclusion in response to the John Doe case. He said through his spokesperson that precluding coverage for transition-related care is “wrong” and that the state shouldn’t discriminate “based on sexual orientation and gender identity and expression,” according to Philadelphia Magazine.
“The governor hopes to have a robust conversation with the legislature, community and all other parties regarding this issue to move the commonwealth forward,” the spokesperson said last month.
“It’s great that Gov. Wolf agrees that the exclusions are wrong and should be eliminated,” said Thomas W. Ude Jr., legal and policy director at the Mazzoni Center in Philadelphia. The Mazzoni Center provides health and wellness care, in addition to legal assistance, to Philadelphia’s LGBTQpopulation.
“The only question is what his approach would be to actually make that happen,” he said in an interview with Rewire.
Eliminating exclusionary policies would, in no small measure, open the door to fundamental health care for transgender people and save the states money. But that’s only one piece of the puzzle regarding “health-care delivery all-in-all,” said Carroll. The other: ensuring physicians actually treat transgender patients.
Carroll says she’s fortunate to not have faced many barriers to care. But she acknowledges she’s the exception and not the rule; more often, transgender people are denied treatment for something as common as walking pneumonia on the basis of their gender identity alone. And in many states, including Pennsylvania, there is no law broadly protecting the transgender population from discrimination in health care, employment, or public life. (Despite bipartisan support, the so-called PA Fairness Act has languished in a Republican-controlled general assembly that’s had trouble even passing its budget bill, said Carroll.)
“Right now we’re almost captive to these individual physicians whether or not they’ll even agree to treat somebody,” she said.
In a way, John Doe’s case is bigger than itself. While the complaint addresses a specific systemic barrier, it also underscores the discrimination transgender people face in health care across the board. Whether it’s hormone therapy or a yearly physical, advocates say, transgender people should have uninhibited access to care, period.