Donald Trump's running mate has said that "life is winning in Indiana"—and the biggest winner is probably a chain of crisis pregnancy centers that landed a $3.5 million contract in funds originally intended for poor Hoosiers.
Much has been made of Republican Gov. Mike Pence’s record on LGBTQ issues. In 2000, when he was running for U.S. representative, Pence wrote that “Congress should oppose any effort to recognize homosexual’s [sic] as a ‘discreet and insular minority’ [sic] entitled to the protection of anti-discrimination laws similar to those extended to women and ethnic minorities.” He also said that funds meant to help people living with HIV or AIDS should no longer be given to organizations that provide HIV prevention services because they “celebrate and encourage” homosexual activity. Instead, he proposed redirecting those funds to anti-LGBTQ “conversion therapy” programs, which have been widely discredited by the medical community as being ineffective and dangerous.
Under Pence, ideology has replaced evidence in many areas of public life. In fact, Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump has just hired a running mate who, in the past year, has reallocated millions of dollars in public funds intended to provide food and health care for needy families to anti-choice crisis pregnancy centers.
Gov. Pence, who declined multiple requests for an interview with Rewire, has been outspoken about his anti-choice agenda. Currently, Indiana law requires people seeking abortions to receive in-person “counseling” and written information from a physician or other health-care provider 18 hours before the abortion begins. And thanks, in part, to other restrictive laws making it more difficult for clinics to operate, there are currently six abortion providers in Indiana, and none in the northern part of the state. Only four of Indiana’s 92 counties have an abortion provider. All this means that many people in need of abortion care are forced to take significant time off work, arrange child care, and possibly pay for a place to stay overnight in order to obtain it.
This environment is why a contract quietly signed by Pence last fall with the crisis pregnancy center umbrella organization Real Alternatives is so potentially dangerous for Indiana residents seeking abortion: State-subsidized crisis pregnancy centers not only don’t provide abortion but seek to persuade people out of seeking abortion, thus limiting their options.
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“Indiana is committed to the health, safety, and wellbeing [sic] of Hoosier families, women, and children,” reads the first line of the contract between the Indiana State Department of Health and Real Alternatives. The contract, which began on October 1, 2015, allocates $3.5 million over the course of a year for Real Alternatives to use to fund crisis pregnancy centers throughout the state.
Where Funding Comes From
The money for the Real Alternatives contract comes from Indiana’s Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) block grant, a federally funded, state-run program meant to support the most vulnerable households with children. The program was created by the 1996 Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act signed by former President Bill Clinton. It changed welfare from a federal program that gave money directly to needy families to one that gave money, and a lot of flexibility with how to use it, to the states.
This TANF block grant is supposed to provide low-income families a monthly cash stipend that can be used for rent, child care, and food. But states have wide discretion over these funds: In general, they must use the money to serve families with children, but they can also fund programs meant, for example, to promote marriage. They can also make changes to the requirements for fund eligibility.
As of 2012, to be eligible for cash assistance in Indiana, a household’s maximum monthly earnings could not exceed $377, the fourth-lowest level of qualification of all 50 states, according to a report by the Congressional Research Service. Indiana’s program also has some of the lowest maximum payouts to recipients in the country.
Part of this is due to a 2011 work requirement that stripped eligibility from many families. Under the new work requirement, a parent or caretaker receiving assistance needs to be “engaged in work once the State determines the parent or caretaker is ready to engage in work,” or after 24 months of receiving benefits. The maximum time allowed federally for a family to receive assistance is 60 months.
“There was a TANF policy change effective November 2011 that required an up-front job search to be completed at the point of application before we would proceed in authorizing TANF benefits,” Jim Gavin, a spokesman for the state’s Family and Social Services Administration (FSSA), told Rewire. “Most [applicants] did not complete the required job search and thus applications were denied.”
Unspent money from the block grant can be carried over to following years. Indiana receives an annual block grant of $206,799,109, but the state hasn’t been using all of it thanks to those low payouts and strict eligibility requirements. The budget for the Real Alternatives contract comes from these carry-over funds.
According to the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, TANF is explicitly meant to clothe and feed children, or to create programs that help prevent “non-marital childbearing,” and Indiana’s contract with Real Alternatives does neither. The contract stipulates that Real Alternatives and its subcontractors must “actively promote childbirth instead of abortion.” The funds, the contract says, cannot be used for organizations that will refer clients to abortion providers or promote contraceptives as a way to avoid unplanned pregnancies and sexually transmitted infections.
Parties involved in the contract defended it to Rewire by saying they provide material goods to expecting and new parents, but Rewire obtained documents that showed a much different reality.
Real Alternatives is an anti-choice organization run by Kevin Bagatta, a Pennsylvania lawyer who has no known professional experience with medical or mental health services. It helps open, finance, and refer clients to crisis pregnancy centers. The program started in Pennsylvania, where it received a $30 million, five-year grant to support a network of 40 subcontracting crisis pregnancy centers. Auditor General Eugene DePasquale called for an audit of the organization between June 2012 and June 2015 after hearing reports of mismanaged funds, and found $485,000 in inappropriate billing. According to the audit, Real Alternatives would not permit DHS to review how the organization used those funds. However, the Pittsburgh Post-Gazettereported in April that at least some of the money appears to have been designated for programs outside the state.
Real Alternatives also received an $800,000 contract in Michigan, which inspired Gov. Pence to fund a $1 million yearlong pilot program in northern Indiana in the fall of 2014.
“The widespread success [of the pilot program] and large demand for these services led to the statewide expansion of the program,” reads the current $3.5 million contract. It is unclear what measures the state used to define “success.”
“Every Other Baby … Starts With Women’s Care Center”
Real Alternatives has 18 subcontracting centers in Indiana; 15 of them are owned by Women’s Care Center, a chain of crisis pregnancy centers. According to its website, Women’s Care Center serves 25,000 women annually in 23 centers throughout Florida, Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, Minnesota, Ohio, and Wisconsin.
Women’s Care Centers in Indiana received 18 percent of their operating budget from state’s Real Alternatives program during the pilot year, October 1, 2014 through September 30, 2015, which were mostly reimbursements for counseling and classes throughout pregnancy, rather than goods and services for new parents.
In fact, instead of the dispensation of diapers and food, “the primary purpose of the [Real Alternatives] program is to provide core services consisting of information, sharing education, and counseling that promotes childbirth and assists pregnant women in their decision regarding adoption or parenting,” the most recent contract reads.
The program’s reimbursement system prioritizes these anti-choice classes and counseling sessions: The more they bill for, the more likely they are to get more funding and thus open more clinics.
“This performance driven [sic] reimbursement system rewards vendor service providers who take their program reimbursement and reinvest in their services by opening more centers and hiring more counselors to serve more women in need,” reads the contract.
Classes, which are billed as chastity classes, parenting classes, pregnancy classes, and childbirth classes, are reimbursed at $21.80 per client. Meanwhile, as per the most recent contract, counseling sessions, which are separate from the classes, are reimbursed by the state at minimum rates of $1.09 per minute.
Jenny Hunsberger, vice president of Women’s Care Center, told Rewire that half of all pregnant women in Elkhart, LaPorte, Marshall, and St. Joseph Counties, and one in four pregnant women in Allen County, are clients of their centers. To receive any material goods, such as diapers, food, and clothing, she said, all clients must receive this counseling, at no cost to them. Such counseling is billed by the minute for reimbursement.
“When every other baby born [in those counties] starts with Women’s Care Center, that’s a lot of minutes,” Hunsberger told Rewire.
Rewire was unable to verify exactly what is said in those counseling sessions, except that they are meant to encourage clients to carry their pregnancies to term and to help them decide between adoption or child rearing, according to Hunsberger. As mandated by the contract, both counseling and classes must “provide abstinence education as the best and only method of avoiding unplanned pregnancies and sexually transmitted infections.”
In the first quarter of the new contract alone, Women’s Care Center billed Real Alternatives and, in turn, the state, $239,290.97; about $150,000 of that was for counseling, according to documents obtained by Rewire. In contrast, goods like food, diapers, and other essentials for new parents made up only about 18.5 percent of Women’s Care Center’s first-quarter reimbursements.
Despite the fact that the state is paying for counseling at Women’s Care Center, Rewire was unable to find any licensing for counselors affiliated with the centers. Hunsberger told Rewire that counseling assistants and counselors complete a minimum training of 200 hours overseen by a master’s level counselor, but the counselors and assistants do not all have social work or psychology degrees. Hunsberger wrote in an email to Rewire that “a typical Women’s Care Center is staffed with one or more highly skilled counselors, MSW or equivalent.”
Rewire followed up for more information regarding what “typical” or “equivalent” meant, but Hunsberger declined to answer. A search for licenses for the known counselors at Women’s Care Center’s Indiana locations turned up nothing. The Indiana State Department of Health told Rewire that it does not monitor or regulate the staff at Real Alternatives’ subcontractors, and both Women’s Care Center and Real Alternatives were uncooperative when asked for more information regarding their counseling staff and training.
Bethany Christian Services and Heartline Pregnancy Center, Real Alternatives’ other Indiana subcontractors, billed the program $380.41 and $404.39 respectively in the first quarter. They billed only for counseling sessions, and not goods or classes.
“We don’t provide medical services. We provide human services,” Bagatta told the City Paper.
There are pregnancy centers in Indiana that provide a full range of referrals for reproductive health care, including for STI testing and abortion. However, they are not eligible for reimbursement under the Real Alternatives contract because they do not maintain an anti-choice mission.
Parker Dockray is the executive director of Backline, an all-options pregnancy resource center. She told Rewire that Backline serves hundreds of Indiana residents each month, and is overwhelmed by demand for diapers and other goods, but it is ineligible for the funding because it will refer women to abortion providers if they choose not to carry a pregnancy to term.
“At a time when so many Hoosier families are struggling to make ends meet, it is irresponsible for the state to divert funds intended to support low-income women and children and give it to organizations that provide biased pregnancy counseling,” Dockray told Rewire. “We wish that Indiana would use this funding to truly support families by providing job training, child care, and other safety net services, rather than using it to promote an anti-abortion agenda.”
“Life Is Winning in Indiana”
Time and again, Bagatta and Hunsberger stressed to Rewire that their organizations do not employ deceitful tactics to get women in the door and to convince them not to have abortions. However, multiple studies have proven that crisis pregnancy centers often lie to women from the moment they search online for an abortion provider through the end of their appointments inside the center.
These studies have also shown that publicly funded crisis pregnancy centers dispense medically inaccurate information to clients. In addition to spreading lies like abortion causing infertility or breast cancer, they are known to give false hopes of miscarriages to people who are pregnant and don’t want to be. A 2015 report by NARAL Pro-Choice America found this practice to be ubiquitous in centers throughout the United States, and Rewire found that Women’s Care Center is no exception. The organization’s website says that as many as 40 percent of pregnancies end in natural miscarriage. While early pregnancy loss is common, it occurs in about 10 percent of known pregnancies, according to the American Congress of Obstetricians and Gynecologists.
Crisis pregnancy centers also tend to crop up next to abortion clinics with flashy, deceitful signs that lead many to mistakenly walk into the wrong building. Once inside, clients are encouraged not to have an abortion.
A Google search for “abortion” and “Indianapolis” turns up an ad for the Women’s Care Center as the first result. It reads: “Abortion – Indianapolis – Free Ultrasound before Abortion. Located on 86th and Georgetown. We’re Here to Help – Call Us Today: Abortion, Ultrasound, Locations, Pregnancy.”
Hunsberger denies any deceit on the part of Women’s Care Center.
“Clients who walk in the wrong door are informed that we are not the abortion clinic and that we do not provide abortions,” Hunsberger told Rewire. “Often a woman will choose to stay or return because we provide services that she feels will help her make the best decision for her, including free medical-grade pregnancy tests and ultrasounds which help determine viability and gestational age.”
Planned Parenthood of Indiana and Kentucky told Rewire that since Women’s Care Center opened on 86th and Georgetown in Indianapolis, many patients looking for its Georgetown Health Center have walked through the “wrong door.”
“We have had patients miss appointments because they went into their building and were kept there so long they missed their scheduled time,” Judi Morrison, vice president of marketing and education, told Rewire.
Sarah Bardol, director of Women’s Care Center’s Indianapolis clinic, told the Criterion Online Edition, a publication of the Archdiocese of Indianapolis, that the first day the center was open, a woman and her boyfriend did walk into the “wrong door” hoping to have an abortion.
“The staff of the new Women’s Care Center in Indianapolis, located just yards from the largest abortion provider in the state, hopes for many such ‘wrong-door’ incidents as they seek to help women choose life for their unborn babies,” reported the Criterion Online Edition.
If they submit to counseling, Hoosiers who walk into the “wrong door” and “choose life” can receive up to about $40 in goods over the course their pregnancy and the first year of that child’s life. Perhaps several years ago they may have been eligible for Temporary Assistance for Needy Families, but now with the work requirement, they may not qualify.
In a February 2016 interview with National Right to Life, one of the nation’s most prominent anti-choice groups, Gov. Pence said, “Life is winning in Indiana.” Though Pence was referring to the Real Alternatives contract, and the wave of anti-choice legislation sweeping through the state, it’s not clear what “life is winning” actually means. The state’s opioid epidemic claimed 1,172 lives in 2014, a statistically significant increase from the previous year, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. HIV infections have spread dramatically throughout the state, in part because of Pence’s unwillingness to support medically sound prevention practices. Indiana’s infant mortality rate is above the national average, and infant mortality among Black babies is even higher. And Pence has reduced access to prevention services such as those offered by Planned Parenthood through budget cuts and unnecessary regulations—while increasing spending on anti-choice crisis pregnancy centers.
Gov. Pence’s track record shows that these policies are no mistake. The medical and financial needs of his most vulnerable constituents have taken a backseat to religious ideology throughout his time in office. He has literally reallocated money for poor Hoosiers to fund anti-choice organizations. In his tenure as both a congressman and a governor, he’s proven that whether on a national or state level, he’s willing to put “pro-life” over quality-of-life for his constituents.
Arsonists have attacked five Planned Parenthood clinics around the country since last July, wreaking hundreds of thousands of dollars in damage, closing down the facilities, and sowing fear among staff and providers.
Here’s what a Opgenorth, a Pullman police investigator, believes: Someone, shortly before the attack, got access to a computer in the clinic and disabled the main security camera over the parking lot.
Was the computer hacked remotely? They’re not sure.
Opgenorth said surveillance footage from other cameras captured an arsonist hurling a flammable device through a clinic window at 3:30 a.m. on September 4, 2015.
What was the gender of the arsonist? Authorities can’t tell.
Opgenorth said they’ve shipped off the computer hard drive to a crime lab in Quantico, Virginia, where the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) is analyzing it for clues. Federal agencies are involved in the Pullman arson because of the history of domestic terrorists targeting abortion providers in the region, FBI Special Agent Frank Harrill told the Spokesman-Review. In 1997, four men were convicted of pipe-bombing a Planned Parenthood clinic in the Spokane Valley, about 75 miles from Pullman.
Meanwhile, a $10,000 reward offered in connection to the Pullman arson has generated no leads, Opgenorth said.
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“We don’t have much more,” Opgenorth told Rewire in a recent phone interview.
Arsonists have attacked five Planned Parenthood clinics around the countrysince last July, wreaking hundreds of thousands of dollars in damage, closing down the facilities—sometimes for months—and sowing fear among staff and providers over safety.
“It doesn’t have to burn down a clinic to have a terrifying effect on the people who work there,” said David S. Cohen, law professor at Drexel University and co-author of Living in the Crosshairs: The Untold Stories of Anti-Abortion Terrorism in a phone interview with Rewire.
Even a small blaze, Cohen noted, “sends the message that people are willing to go to extreme measures.”
In the 11 months since the start of the chain of arson attacks, authorities have made one arrest, as Rewire recently reported.
Arson is one of the most difficult major crimes to solve, with arrests occurring in only about one in five arson fires, according to the most recent FBI statistics. Murder, by comparison, has a nearly 65 percent arrest rate. An accounting of four decades of arson attacks by the National Abortion Federation (NAF), which tracks anti-choice violence, shows that only 28 percent of the 192 cases resulted in convictions.
This violence, including the blaze that Opgenorth is investigating in Pullman, has followed in the wake of discredited videos that tried to make it seem as if Planned Parenthood officials unlawfully sold fetal tissue. Multiple state and federal investigations have cleared Planned Parenthood of any wrongdoing.
Five days after the anti-choice front groupCenter for Medical Progress (CMP) released the first video onJuly 14, an arsonist struck a Planned Parenthood in Aurora, Illinois. Then came three more videos, and on August 1 an arsonist set fire to a car outside a New Orleans Planned Parenthood construction site. CMP released another five videos before the Pullman attack on September 4, 2015, and released its tenth video before a September 30 firebombing at Planned Parenthood in the California town of Thousand Oaks.
Just last month, an early morning blaze tore through a Modesto, California Planned Parenthood. The fire has also been deemed an arson, a criminal investigator with the Stanislaus County District Attorney’s Office told Rewire in an email Thursday.
Such a climate of hostility isn’t new. NAF has reported 11 murders, 26 attempted murders, 42 bombings, and thousands of other incidents at clinics since 1977. Last fall, however, the FBI warned of “an uptick in attacks on reproductive health-care facilities,” and said that arson attacks were “typical of the pro-life extremist movement.” NAF’s numbers have supported this; the organization logged 94 death threats in 2015, compared to one the previous year.
“This is an obvious consequence of the smear videos that were released this summer,” Cohen said of the rash of attacks. “It’s coming to fruition.”
Indeed, gunman Robert Lewis Dear Jr., who admitted in court to unloading a barrage of bullets at a Colorado Springs Planned Parenthood clinic last November, killing three, defended his actions with the chilling credo: “No more baby parts.”
This April, NAF’s analysis of clinic violence revealed disturbing details about a man calling online for a wholesale burning of “murder house[s]” nationwide:
“One person setting fire to an abortion clinic will not do anything but thousands setting fire to an abortion clinic will speak volumes….It is not violent to set a building on fire…If thousands rallied together to set each murder house on fire, we would see the end of abortion…”
Within three months of the man’s call to action, the NAF analysis notes, facilities in Washington, Louisiana, California, and Illinois were targeted by acts of arson. NAF turned over information about the man’s threats to federal authorities. He was interviewed, but not arrested, NAF president Vicki Saporta told Rewire in a recent phone interview.
She said the organization met in August 2015 and again in February with the U.S. Department of Justice Task Force on Violence Against Health Care Providers, and noted, “I think that when law enforcement aggressively enforces the law, it does act as a deterrent.”
The task force, formed two weeks after the 1998 shooting death of New York physician Barnett Slepian, counts among its responsibilities coordinating national investigations of anti-choice violence.
Even so, determining the degree of involvement by federal agencies, such as the FBI and the U.S. Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (ATF), in this recent chain of arsons is difficult. Fire Marshal Javan Cross, in Aurora, Illinois, where one of the arsons took place, responded to Rewire’s email inquiry by directing a reporter to the ATF, but a spokesman from the Chicago ATF office told Rewire that its office is not involved.
Brian Garner, a national spokesman for the ATF, told Rewire that the bureau typically gets involved at the request of state or local authorities.
Meanwhile, the FBI’s public information office, responding to Rewire’s information request, wrote in an email “while we are unable to address specific cases, the FBI’s general practice is to assist our law enforcement partners and we take these matters very seriously.” Local authorities that Rewire reached in New Orleans and Modesto, California, confirmed the FBI’s involvement in those arson investigations.
Asked whether law enforcement could be doing more, Saporta offered, “We were hoping they would be more proactive in identifying the threats.” She said that NAF had requested just that, but was told, “no.” She said NAF has hired an outside security firm, and hands over information on the threats it uncovers to law enforcement.
“We do have federal law enforcement’s attention and cooperation,” Saporta affirmed.
Still, she notes the toll of the violence, saying, “There’s a cost to society: In a democratic society, you cannot allow people to use violence to settle political differences. It needs to stop. Enough is really enough.”
Advocacy groups like NARAL Pro-Choice America are increasingly demanding that federal authorities sharpen the focus on anti-choice violence, given the fresh wave of clinic attacks.
“Where is the outrage?” NARAL President Ilyse Hogue asked in an online statement in October following the recent chain of clinic fires.
More than 68,000 supporters have signed NARAL’s online petition calling on the Department of Justice to investigate clinic attacks as domestic terrorism across the board. The equality group UltraViolet is advocating for the same, posting its call to action on YouTube. Such a move, advocates hope, would discourage copycats and ensure that officials would give investigating and preventing this violence the same attention as other attacks.
“What we’re concerned about is how limited the resources and the scope of the investigations as they currently stand must be, because they are being investigated locally. What we’re missing is the ability to investigate across these various attacks for connections,” Shaunna Thomas, UltraViolet co-founder, told the Nation in December 2015.
“Is there a driving connection between all these attacks?” she continued. “Right now, those questions are not being asked.”