Just How Anti-Choice Is Republican Candidate Dino Rossi?

Amie Newman

Is Washington State congressional candidate and former state senator, Dino Rossi, not anti-choice enough for his fellow GOP-ers?

Is Washington State U.S. Senatorial candidate and former state senator, Dino Rossi, not anti-choice enough for his fellow GOP-ers? Or is the Republican party’s anti-choice political stance becoming splintered, with the help of extremist candidates a la the Tea Party when it comes to reproductive rights perspectives? 

Rossi is making another run for public office; he’s run for governor twice (2004 and 2008) – and lost twice – to Democrat Governor Christine Gregoire. Now, he’s trying to unseat three-term Democrat Sen. Patty Murray. Rossi won this week’s primary, making him Washington’s Republican party candidate for senate. One of Rossi’s Republican challengers was former NFL-player Clint Didier (who, by the way, was endorsed by Sarah Palin in this race), a man who is ardently anti-choice from “conception to death”; does not support abortion access for rape or incest victims; is endorsed by Human Life of Washington; and supported by the Washington Life Coalition  – a group which believes emergency contraception causes abortion and that Rossi isn’t “serious about ending legalized abortion.”

Didier and his anti-choice supporters, including the state’s most vocal anti-choice groups as noted above, have claimed throughout the race that Rossi is “soft” on abortion. Rossi’s attempt to remain a more moderate Republican candidate has been supported by his refusal to address reproductive rights with real clarity on the campaign trail.

In a Seattle Post-Intelligencer article from 2004, during Rossi’s gubernatorial run against Democrat Gregoire, his refusal to campaign on the issue was addressed:

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In 1991 Rossi campaigned against a statewide initiative to legalize abortion. A Catholic, Rossi has said he opposes abortion except in cases of rape, incest or to save the mother’s life. He supports requirements that parents consent before minors are given abortions and also supports bans on third-trimester abortions.

When Gregoire tries to corner him on the issue of embryonic stem cell research, Rossi won’t say where he stands ideologically. He opposes gay marriage but would rather discuss his regulatory reform plans.

Rossi argues that those issues are irrelevant to his gubernatorial campaign. “I’ve never sponsored any bills on” abortion, he recently told a newspaper editorial board. [emphasis added]

However, as Laura Onstot writes in The Seattle Weekly this week, his record as a former state senator certainly speaks volumes:

Throughout Rossi’s time in Olympia, there was a small group of staunch pro-life legislators regularly sponsoring bills preventing clinics providing abortions from getting a health care exemption from the state sales tax or receiving public money. Another required doctors performing abortions to describe the unborn fetus to a pregnant woman considering the procedure.

Rossi wasn’t a primary or co-sponsor on any of those bills, most of which died in committee. But in 1998 when a parental notification bill made it to the Senate floor, Rossi joined his fellow Republicans in voting it through. The bill never made it to a vote in the House.

And there was one bill wherein Rossi was a co-sponsor. It also happened to be the one bill during his time there that, if passed, could have led to a comprehensive abortion ban in this state. In 2000 Rossi and nine other Senators proposed adding unborn children to the definition of a person in the state constitution. That would mean that fetuses couldn’t be “deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process,” as stated in that document. That bill also died in committee.

Now the anti-choicers are calling foul on each other. Writes Nina Shapiro in her article Last Ditch Attacks on Dino Rossi Provoke GOP Bickering, Conservative pastor and Rossi supporter Joe Fuiten “devoted an issue of his online newsletter to defending his candidate’s anti-abortion record.”  At issue in particular is Rossi’s support for a 2002 state bill turned into law, SB 6537, which, reports Shapiro, “requires hospitals to offer morning-after pills to women who are raped.” Didier and his “wing” of anti-choicers in the GOP are enraged that Rossi supported access to what they say is an abortifacient. The Washington Life Coalition explains that, because one of the potential ways in which emergency contraception works is to create an inhospitable environment for a fertilized egg to attach to the walls of the uterus, a “tiny baby” (aka a fertilized egg) may be killed in the process. However, Fuiten addresses Rossi’s support of the bill by noting that the bill was supported by the Catholic Bishops,

“The charge that the bill which Rossi supported is “against Catholic, Christian, and pro-life values” is refuted by the support the Catholic Bishops gave to the bill. The language of the bill is clear enough that it is not about abortion. The law says it deals with “… health care treatment approved by the food and drug administration that prevents pregnancy, including but not limited to administering two increased doses of certain oral contraceptive pills within seventy-two hours of sexual contact.” Maybe the point is too fine for some, but abortion, which terminates a pregnancy is not the same as “preventing pregnancy”.

Rossi has also claimed that he would not apply a “litmus test”  to Supreme Court nominees when it comes to abortion. This, again, does not sit well with some  hard-core anti-choice supporters.

However, according to NARAL Pro-Choice Washington, there is no question when it come to Rossi’s reproductive rights position. Rossi is as anti-choice as they come.

While Rossi has always been an anti-choice conservative, he tried to avoid the issue in his 2004 and 2008 gubernatorial races in an attempt to appear moderate.  After declaring his candidacy for the Senate, Rossi’s public statements on the right to choose have become increasingly conservative and demonstrated just how far out of step he is with the majority of Washingtonians.

“NARAL Pro-Choice Washington led the charge to expose Rossi as anti-choice during his attempts to become governor, and we are again mobilizing our statewide network of members and activists to make sure he does not become Washington’s junior senator,” Ms. Simonds said.

According to a fact sheet produced by the organization, Rossi opposes “funding for family planning for low-income women” and “the right to choose safe and legal abortion care” but supports abstinence-only programs as well as parental notification for abortion. 

It remains to be seen whether Rossi will successfully position himself as a more moderate voice of the Republican party and win over enough Washington State voters or if, as has happened in the past, he’ll fall to his Democratic challenger in a state which has voted Democratic in the past six presidential elections. As for the splintering in the GOP when it comes to the question of “who can be more anti-choice?” Rossi and his former challenger Clint Didier certainly played out an interesting performance; are the extreme anti-choice elements of the Republican party exposing real fissures in its own party or is this just a case of one closed-mouth Republican candidate refusing to show his real hand?

News Health Systems

Complaint: Citing Catholic Rules, Doctor Turns Away Bleeding Woman With Dislodged IUD

Amy Littlefield

“It felt heartbreaking,” said Melanie Jones. “It felt like they were telling me that I had done something wrong, that I had made a mistake and therefore they were not going to help me; that they stigmatized me, saying that I was doing something wrong, when I’m not doing anything wrong. I’m doing something that’s well within my legal rights.”

Melanie Jones arrived for her doctor’s appointment bleeding and in pain. Jones, 28, who lives in the Chicago area, had slipped in her bathroom, and suspected the fall had dislodged her copper intrauterine device (IUD).

Her doctor confirmed the IUD was dislodged and had to be removed. But the doctor said she would be unable to remove the IUD, citing Catholic restrictions followed by Mercy Hospital and Medical Center and providers within its system.

“I think my first feeling was shock,” Jones told Rewire in an interview. “I thought that eventually they were going to recognize that my health was the top priority.”

The doctor left Jones to confer with colleagues, before returning to confirm that her “hands [were] tied,” according to two complaints filed by the ACLU of Illinois. Not only could she not help her, the doctor said, but no one in Jones’ health insurance network could remove the IUD, because all of them followed similar restrictions. Mercy, like many Catholic providers, follows directives issued by the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops that restrict access to an array of services, including abortion care, tubal ligations, and contraception.

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Some Catholic providers may get around the rules by purporting to prescribe hormonal contraception for acne or heavy periods, rather than for birth control, but in the case of copper IUDs, there is no such pretext available.

“She told Ms. Jones that that process [of switching networks] would take her a month, and that she should feel fortunate because sometimes switching networks takes up to six months or even a year,” the ACLU of Illinois wrote in a pair of complaints filed in late June.

Jones hadn’t even realized her health-care network was Catholic.

Mercy has about nine off-site locations in the Chicago area, including the Dearborn Station office Jones visited, said Eric Rhodes, senior vice president of administrative and professional services. It is part of Trinity Health, one of the largest Catholic health systems in the country.

The ACLU and ACLU of Michigan sued Trinity last year for its “repeated and systematic failure to provide women suffering pregnancy complications with appropriate emergency abortions as required by federal law.” The lawsuit was dismissed but the ACLU has asked for reconsideration.

In a written statement to Rewire, Mercy said, “Generally, our protocol in caring for a woman with a dislodged or troublesome IUD is to offer to remove it.”

Rhodes said Mercy was reviewing its education process on Catholic directives for physicians and residents.

“That act [of removing an IUD] in itself does not violate the directives,” Marty Folan, Mercy’s director of mission integration, told Rewire.

The number of acute care hospitals that are Catholic owned or affiliated has grown by 22 percent over the past 15 years, according to MergerWatch, with one in every six acute care hospital beds now in a Catholic owned or affiliated facility. Women in such hospitals have been turned away while miscarrying and denied tubal ligations.

“We think that people should be aware that they may face limitations on the kind of care they can receive when they go to the doctor based on religious restrictions,” said Lorie Chaiten, director of the women’s and reproductive rights project of the ACLU of Illinois, in a phone interview with Rewire. “It’s really important that the public understand that this is going on and it is going on in a widespread fashion so that people can take whatever steps they need to do to protect themselves.”

Jones left her doctor’s office, still in pain and bleeding. Her options were limited. She couldn’t afford a $1,000 trip to the emergency room, and an urgent care facility was out of the question since her Blue Cross Blue Shield of Illinois insurance policy would only cover treatment within her network—and she had just been told that her entire network followed Catholic restrictions.

Jones, on the advice of a friend, contacted the ACLU of Illinois. Attorneys there advised Jones to call her insurance company and demand they expedite her network change. After five hours of phone calls, Jones was able to see a doctor who removed her IUD, five days after her initial appointment and almost two weeks after she fell in the bathroom.

Before the IUD was removed, Jones suffered from cramps she compared to those she felt after the IUD was first placed, severe enough that she medicated herself to cope with the pain.

She experienced another feeling after being turned away: stigma.

“It felt heartbreaking,” Jones told Rewire. “It felt like they were telling me that I had done something wrong, that I had made a mistake and therefore they were not going to help me; that they stigmatized me, saying that I was doing something wrong, when I’m not doing anything wrong. I’m doing something that’s well within my legal rights.”

The ACLU of Illinois has filed two complaints in Jones’ case: one before the Illinois Department of Human Rights and another with the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services Office for Civil Rights under the anti-discrimination provision of the Affordable Care Act. Chaiten said it’s clear Jones was discriminated against because of her gender.

“We don’t know what Mercy’s policies are, but I would find it hard to believe that if there were a man who was suffering complications from a vasectomy and came to the emergency room, that they would turn him away,” Chaiten said. “This the equivalent of that, right, this is a woman who had an IUD, and because they couldn’t pretend the purpose of the IUD was something other than pregnancy prevention, they told her, ‘We can’t help you.’”

Commentary Sexuality

Black Trans Liberation Tuesday Must Become an Annual Observance

Raquel Willis

As long as trans people—many of them Black trans women—continue to be murdered, there will be a need to commemorate their lives, work to prevent more deaths, and uplift Black trans activism.

This piece is published in collaboration with Echoing Ida, a Forward Together project.

This week marks one year since Black transgender activists in the United States organized Black Trans Liberation Tuesday. Held on Tuesday, August 25, the national day of action publicized Black trans experiences and memorialized 18 trans women, predominantly trans women of color, who had been murdered by this time last year.

In conjunction with the Black Lives Matter network, the effort built upon an earlier Trans Liberation Tuesday observance created by Bay Area organizations TGI Justice Project and Taja’s Coalition to recognize the fatal stabbing of 36-year-old trans Latina woman Taja DeJesus in February 2015.

Black Trans Liberation Tuesday should become an annual observance because transphobic violence and discrimination aren’t going to dissipate with one-off occurrences. I propose that Black Trans Liberation Tuesday fall on the fourth Tuesday of August to coincide with the first observance and also the August 24 birthday of the late Black trans activist Marsha P. Johnson.

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There is a continuing need to pay specific attention to Black transgender issues, and the larger Black community must be pushed to stand in solidarity with us. Last year, Black trans activists, the Black Lives Matter network, and GetEQUAL collaborated on a blueprint of what collective support looks like, discussions that led to Black Trans Liberation Tuesday.

“Patrisse Cullors [a co-founder of Black Lives Matter] had been in talks on ways to support Black trans women who had been organizing around various murders,” said Black Lives Matter Organizing Coordinator Elle Hearns of Washington, D.C. “At that time, Black trans folks had been experiencing erasure from the movement and a lack of support from cis people that we’d been in solidarity with who hadn’t reciprocated that support.”

This erasure speaks to a long history of Black LGBTQ activism going underrecognized in both the civil rights and early LGBTQ liberation movements. Many civil rights leaders bought into the idea that influential Black gay activist Bayard Rustin was unfit to be a leader simply because he had relationships with men, though he organized the 1963 March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom. Johnson, who is often credited with kicking off the 1969 Stonewall riots with other trans and gender-nonconforming people of color, fought tirelessly for LGBTQ rights. She and other trans activists of color lived in poverty and danger (Johnson was found dead under suspicious circumstances in July 1992), while the white mainstream gay elite were able to demand acceptance from society. Just last year, Stonewall, a movie chronicling the riots, was released with a whitewashed retelling that centered a white, cisgender gay male protagonist.

The Black Lives Matter network has made an intentional effort to avoid the pitfalls of those earlier movements.

“Our movement has been intersectional in ways that help all people gain liberation whether they see it or not. It became a major element of the network vision and how it was seeing itself in the Black liberation movement,” Hearns said. “There was no way to discuss police brutality without discussing structural violence affecting Black lives, in general”—and that includes Black trans lives.

Despite a greater mainstream visibility for LGBTQ issues in general, Black LGBTQ issues have not taken the forefront in Black freedom struggles. When a Black cisgender heterosexual man is killed, his name trends on social media feeds and is in the headlines, but Black trans women don’t see the same importance placed on their lives.

According to a 2015 report by the Anti-Violence Project, a group dedicated to ending anti-LGBTQ and HIV-affected community violence, trans women of color account for 54 percent of all anti-LGBTQ homicides. Despite increased awareness, with at least 20 transgender people murdered since the beginning of this year, it seems things haven’t really changed at all since Black Trans Liberation Tuesday.

“There are many issues at hand when talking about Black trans issues, particularly in the South. There’s a lack of infrastructure and support in the nonprofit sector, but also within health care and other systems. Staffs at LGBTQ organizations are underfunded when it comes to explicitly reaching the trans community,” said Micky Bradford, the Atlanta-based regional organizer for TLC@SONG. “The space between towns can harbor isolation from each other, making it more difficult to build up community organizing, coalitions, and culture.”

The marginalization that Black trans people face comes from both the broader society and the Black community. Fighting white supremacy is a full-time job, and some activists within the Black Lives Matter movement see homophobia and transphobia as muddying the fight for Black liberation.

“I think we have a very special relationship with gender and gender violence to all Black people,” said Aaryn Lang, a New York City-based Black trans activist. “There’s a special type of trauma that Black people inflict on Black trans people because of how strict the box of gender and space of gender expression has been to move in for Black people. In the future of the movement, I see more people trusting that trans folks have a vision that’s as diverse as blackness is.”

But even within that diversity, Black trans people are often overlooked in movement spaces due to anti-Blackness in mainstream LGBTQ circles and transphobia in Black circles. Further, many Black trans people aren’t in the position to put energy into movement work because they are simply trying to survive and find basic resources. This can create a disconnect between various sections of the Black trans community.

Janetta Johnson, executive director of TGI Justice Project in San Francisco, thinks the solution is twofold: increased Black trans involvement and leadership in activism spaces, and more facilitated conversations between Black cis and trans people.

“I think a certain part of the transgender community kind of blocks all of this stuff out. We are saying we need you to come through this process and see how we can create strength in numbers. We need to bring in other trans people not involved in the movement,” she said. “We need to create a space where we can share views and strategies and experiences.”

Those conversations must be an ongoing process until the killings of Black trans women like Rae’Lynn Thomas, Dee Whigham, and Skye Mockabee stop.

“As we commemorate this year, we remember who and why we organized Black Trans Liberation Tuesday last year. It’s important we realize that Black trans lives are still being affected in ways that everyday people don’t realize,” Hearns said. “We must understand why movements exist and why people take extreme action to continuously interrupt the system that will gladly forget them.”

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