The Nelson “Compromise:” What It Will Cost Us

Jodi Jacobson

By catering to Nelson, the Bishops, and fundamentalists, the Senate aided the anti-choice forces in achieving one of their primary goals: further stigmatizing reproductive and sexual health care, and making it harder for women to get.

The weeks-long soap opera of finding 60 votes for the Senate health reform bill came to an end yesterday when Democrats "compromised" with Senator Ben Nelson (D-NE) on language regarding abortion coverage.  After catering first to Senator Joe Lieberman, (Ind-CT), by removing both the public option and the Medicaid buy-in, Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV) then introduced a manager’s amendment that includes new language on abortion care–and a huge barrel of pork for Nebraska–in an effort to bring Nelson on board and get the 60 votes needed to end a Republican filibuster.

In doing so, the Senate aided the anti-choice community in achieving one of its primary goals: further stigmatizing reproductive and sexual health care, including but not limited to abortion, and making such care ever-harder for women to secure. This is and was unquestionably a major goal of Nelson’s hold-out strategy.  Nelson has consistently voted against expanded contraceptive services, voting no, for example, in 2005 on a program to invest $100 million to reduce teen pregnancy through increased access to sexual and reproductive health education and contraceptive services.  Over the past month, he has several times made a point of "waiting for the approval" of the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops and anti-choice organizations on language for the Senate bill.

Meanwhile, the drama over Lieberman and Nelson also aided the Republicans in one of their primary goals: first to kill, and barring that, to severely weaken any attempt to reform health care in this country.

What does the "Nelson" language say?

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Pro-choice advocates are still examining the implications of the Nelson language.  But conversations with several analysts over the past 24 hours suggest that if passed into law in the final health care bill, this langauge, at a minimum, does the following:

  • Requires every enrollee–female or male–in a health plan that offers abortion coverage to write two separate checks for insurance coverage.  One of these checks would go to pay the bulk of their premium, the other would go to pay the share of that premium that would ostensibly cover abortion care.  Such a check would have to be written separately whether the share of the premium allocated for abortion care is .25 cents, $1.00, or $3.00 of the total premium on a monthly, semi-annual or annual basis.  Employers that deduct employee contributions to health care plans from paychecks will also have to do two separate payments to the same company, again no matter how small the payment.

  • Eliminates the provision in earlier versions of the Senate bill and in the original Capps language in the House bill to ensure that there is at least one insurance plan in each exchange that offers and one that does not offer abortion coverage. 

  • Prohibits insurance companies by law from taking into account cost savings when estimating the costs of abortion care and therefore the costs of premiums for abortion care.

  • Includes "conscience clause" language that protects only individuals or entities that refuse to provide, pay for, provide coverage for, or refer for abortion, removing earlier language that provided balanced non-discrimination language for those who provide a full range of choices to women in need. 


What are the implications of the Nelson deal?

  • "Separate checks, please:" 


Analysts note that requiring enrollees to pay separately for their "base premium" and their "abortion care" premium will have several negative effects, some very similar to or the same as the Stupak Amendment.

First, the separate checks/separate payments policy will have the same effect as would so-called abortion riders that, under Stupak, would in theory require women to purchase a single-service abortion policy separate from their health insurance package.  Under the Nelson scenario, health plans are required to deposit the payments into two separate accounts — one for the abortion payments and one for everything else, presumably as a way of ensuring only private funds are used for abortion care.

But, notes Planned Parenthood:

forcing individuals to write two separate checks (both of which are  out of private funds) and requiring health plans to administer two different payments
of private funds is not necessary to insure public funds are not used
for abortion care.

"There is no policy justification for forcing individuals to write two
separate checks from their private bank accounts," notes one analyst.  "Health plans themselves can easily establish a firewall separating public funds from private funds and ensure that only private funds are used for abortion care. This provision only serves to stigmatize a woman’s right to comprehensive insurance coverage that includes abortion."

Moreover, as with the Stupak Amendment, over time the Nelson language will likely cause a major shift in coverage of abortion care.  Today, more than 85 percent of women with private insurance are enrolled in plans that cover abortion care.  As noted here before, insurance companies are nothing if not profit maximizers.  With increasingly onerous accounting and reporting requirements placed on abortion care, both insurance companies and employers seeking to dramatically limit the costs of insurance coverage are likely to stop offering coverage for abortion care altogether.

In other words, the Nelson language will likely have the same outcomes suggested by the George Washington University Study on which we reported in detail some weeks back, including:

  • moving the industry away from current
    norms of coverage for medically indicated abortions.

  • inhibiting development of a supplemental coverage market for medically indicated abortions.

  • "Spillover" effects as a result of administration of
    Stupak/Pitts will result in dramatically reduced coverage for
    potentially catastrophic conditions.

Again it is important to note there is no policy justification whatsoever for the separation of "check and state" because these are private funds. Instead this provision is a means of making it harder for millions of women to make a legal, moral choice about their lives, their families and their health care.


  • "Not in My State"


State legislatures currently have the right to prohibit insurance companies from covering abortion care in either public or private employee health plans, and 17 states do so, including Arkansas, Colorado, Idaho, Illinois, Kentucky, Massachusetts, Missouri, Nebraska, Ohio, Oklahoma, Pennsylvania, Virginia and Wisconsin.

At first glance, it appears as though the Nelson language simply reiterates current policy.  But the fact is that the ultimate shape of health reform legislation will change that in numerous ways.

Under lanuage in the original Capps Amendment in the House and in the original Senate bill introduced by Reid, millions of women who have coverage for abortion care would have kept that coverage, and millions of others currently without coverage might well have freely chosen plans that covered abortion care, because the requirement for balancing "pro-choice" and "no-abortion-coverage" plans in the exchanges would have allowed individuals to make their own decisions about enrolling in a plan that did or did not cover such care.  This would actually have been a gain for those who did not want plans that cover abortion care, because today, most plans do, and most people pay into plans that cover such care whether they want to or not. 

Now, however, the combination of onerous requirements and separate checks, the number of anti-choice legislatures at the state level, the removal of the public option (which would have driven down costs overall), and the removal of requirements that at least one plan in each exchange provide abortion coverage imply that millions fewer women will have coverage for abortion care than do now.  And…women’s rights will increasingly be decided on a state-by-state basis.  The mounting economic pressure on the system to drop what will now be burdensome requirements for abortion care will increase as the trend away from employer-paid health plans increases and as individuals will now be mandated to purchase insurance coverage.

  • Legislating Market Farces


There is a simple economic fact about abortion care.  In the case where a woman has decided not to carry a pregnancy to term, it is cheaper to provide her with abortion coverage than to force her to carry to term for lack of safe options or affordable abortion care and to therefore pay for pre- and post-natal care, labor and delivery care, and general maternity care, never mind potential complications.  (We will put aside for the moment the fact that many plans do not provide maternity care coverage at all).

To reiterate: It is cheaper to provide a woman who knows she does not want to carry a pregnancy to term and chooses abortion with access to an early abortion than it is to force her to carry to term for lack of safe alternatives.  This has nothing to do with encouraging women not to carry wanted pregnancies to term on the basis of cost.

It is also unquestionably cheaper to provide coverage for abortion care for women facing catastrophic fetal anomalies or threats to their life or health than it is to deal with the aftermath of complications from such pregnancies left unaddressed.

The Nelson language, however, legislates a "market farce," by prohibiting insurance companies from calculating or taking into account when deciding on the level of premiums needed the cost savings from abortion care as against maternity care.  

As one expert put it:

This is a tax on women and a fraud perpetrated on the country.  By
ignoring the cost-savings, it unfairly presents abortion coverage as
far more expensive than it actually is.  This is no different than
focusing on the harms caused by cutting someone with a scalpel while
ignoring any benefits from surgery.

There’s a reason why 87% of private plans offer abortion coverage. 
It makes little sense to deny this coverage to women who want to
terminate a pregnancy – after all, the costs of prenatal care and
childbirth are far higher in almost every case. [But under the Nelson language], insurers can only take into account costs but not
savings, which means that the fee for the rider will be artificially
high  [and] of course the insurance companies will keep the windfall.

[The cost issue] is not why I
support reproductive rights
but that’s just how it is.  Pro-lifers don’t like the fact that a
market-based solution, so intrinsic to many of their other arguments,
does not lead to the outcome they want, so they lie about the numbers.  And it is so typical of pro-life arguments; a pathological need to hide the
truth from people and use fake numbers to make their point.  There is
absolutely no justification for not including cost savings in the
calculation except that the reality of the situation is unsavory to

Under the Nelson language, then:

Women now get a Hobson’s choice.  They can live in a state that
completely opts out of coverage, meaning that coverage will essentially
be totally unavailable.  Or they can live a state that provides some
limited coverage, but only if they pay an inflated and unreal price
through additional bureaucratic coverage.  The manager’s amendment is a
double barrier in the way of women’s access to healthcare.

  • "My conscience is more important than your conscience:"


Anti-choice forces, and even the media and some self-identified pro-choice representatives are fond of talking about the "moral dimensions" of abortion, in this case implying there is only "one right" moral dimension, and further implying that abortion is a bad or shameful thing.

However, ethicists, people of faith, and normal everyday citizens understand completely that there are vastly different opinions within different faith traditions and among individuals on the justifications of choosing to terminate a pregnancy, and that choosing abortion can be and is a good "moral choice" for many women, their partners and their families when their own circumstances dictate.

But in adopting the Nelson language, the Senate would be deciding that there is only "one" right moral choice. Indeed it is Ben Nelson’s own "moral choice" being imposed on women in the United States.  Given that Nelson, one Senator who represents a state with a mere 0.62 percent of the entire U.S. population, won such a sweeping concession suggests that he believes–and the Senate leadership was willing to concur–that his own moral principals and views take precedence over those of the roughly 152 million females in the United States, a third of whom have had or according to current patterns will have an abortion in their lifetime.

In fact, the original language in the Senate bill respected all viewpoints on abortion, notes the Center for Reproductive Rights, whereas the Nelson language promotes discrimination based
on viewpoint,
by protecting:

individuals and health care facilities
against discrimination if they oppose abortion, leaving unprotected and
vulnerable those who believe with
equal fervor that women should have access to comprehensive reproductive health care, including
abortion. This lopsided protection is inconsistent with the concepts of balance
and fairness

This language also puts anti-choice ideology ahead of health.

"Women should be able to access the health care they need," states CRR,"and health care providers should not be discriminated against for providing it."

But the language now in the Manager’s Amendment does just that, allowing discrimination against those who would provide abortion services, jeopardizing women’s access to essential health care services.

As with the Stupak Amendment, these changes are a far cry from the abortion-neutral health reform strategy on which anti-choice groups–most notably the USCCB–ostensibly agreed earlier this year.

In fact, the question remains whether sexual and reproductive health care is the only issue here.  Over 80 percent of those who voted for the Stupak Amendment voted against the health reform bill in the House in any case. So we gave up the veritable ship and got absolutely nothing in return.

The constant carrying of the Republican, ultra-conservative, religious fundamentalist agenda in the Senate first by Lieberman and immediately thereafter by Nelson, the ping-ponging of their "yes, I’m in, no I’m out," changes of heart (can we call them "fickle?"), the fact that the Bishops and Stupak immediately jumped to denounce the Nelson language for reasons that remain less than clear and the fact that the Bishops seem just fine thank you with lack of movement on their other "core" issues in health reform all suggest there is no hunger among these groups for health reform per se.  By accommodating these regressive forces, we have once more thrown women under the bus for the purpose of an agenda that does not reflect health, human rights, nor even the stated desire of the majority of the American population, but rather a small handful of white men.

News Human Rights

What’s Driving Women’s Skyrocketing Incarceration Rates?

Michelle D. Anderson

Eighty-two percent of the women in jails nationwide find themselves there for nonviolent offenses, including property, drug, and public order offenses.

Local court and law enforcement systems in small counties throughout the United States are increasingly using jails to warehouse underserved Black and Latina women.

The Vera Institute of Justice, a national policy and research organization, and the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation’s Safety and Justice Challenge initiative, released a study last week showing that the number of women in jails based in communities with 250,000 residents or fewer in 2014 had grown 31-fold since 1970, when most county jails lacked a single woman resident.

By comparison, the number of women in jails nationwide had jumped 14-fold since 1970. Historically, jails were designed to hold people not yet convicted of a crime or people serving terms of one year or less, but they are increasingly housing poor women who can’t afford bail.

Eighty-two percent of the women in jails nationwide find themselves there for nonviolent offenses, including property, drug, and public order offenses.

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Overlooked: Women and Jails in an Era of Reform,” calls attention to jail incarceration rates for women in small counties, where rates increased from 79 per 100,000 women to 140 per 100,000 women, compared to large counties, where rates dropped from 76 to 71 per 100,000 women.

The near 50-page report further highlights that families of color, who are already disproportionately affected by economic injustice, poor access to health care, and lack of access to affordable housing, were most negatively affected by the epidemic.

An overwhelming percentage of women in jail, the study showed, were more likely to be survivors of violence and trauma, and have alarming rates of mental illness and substance use problems.

“Overlooked” concluded that jails should be used a last resort to manage women deemed dangerous to others or considered a flight risk.

Elizabeth Swavola, a co-author of “Overlooked” and a senior program associate at the Vera Institute, told Rewire that smaller regions tend to lack resources to address underlying societal factors that often lead women into the jail system.

County officials often draft budgets mainly dedicated to running local jails and law enforcement and can’t or don’t allocate funds for behavioral, employment, and educational programs that could strengthen underserved women and their families.

“Smaller counties become dependent on the jail to deal with the issues,” Swavola said, adding that current trends among women deserves far more inquiry than it has received.

Fred Patrick, director of the Center on Sentencing and Corrections at the Vera Institute, said in “Overlooked” that the study underscored the need for more data that could contribute to “evidence-based analysis and policymaking.”

“Overlooked” relies on several studies and reports, including a previous Vera Institute study on jail misuse, FBI statistics, and Rewire’s investigation on incarcerated women, which examined addiction, parental rights, and reproductive issues.

“Overlooked” authors highlight the “unique” challenges and disadvantages women face in jails.

Women-specific issues include strained access to menstrual hygiene products, abortion care, and contraceptive care, postpartum separation, and shackling, which can harm the pregnant person and fetus by applying “dangerous levels of pressure, and restriction of circulation and fetal movement.”

And while women are more likely to fare better in pre-trail proceedings and receive low bail amounts, the study authors said they are more likely to leave the jail system in worse condition because they are more economically disadvantaged.

The report noted that 60 percent of women housed in jails lacked full-time employment prior to their arrest compared to 40 percent of men. Nearly half of all single Black and Latina women have zero or negative net wealth, “Overlooked” authors said.

This means that costs associated with their arrest and release—such as nonrefundable fees charged by bail bond companies and electronic monitoring fees incurred by women released on pretrial supervision—coupled with cash bail, can devastate women and their families, trapping them in jail or even leading them back to correctional institutions following their release.

For example, the authors noted that 36 percent of women detained in a pretrial unit in Massachusetts in 2012 were there because they could not afford bail amounts of less than $500.

The “Overlooked” report highlighted that women in jails are more likely to be mothers, usually leading single-parent households and ultimately facing serious threats to their parental rights.

“That stress affects the entire family and community,” Swavola said.

Citing a Corrections Today study focused on Cook County, Illinois, the authors said incarcerated women with children in foster care were less likely to be reunited with their children than non-incarcerated women with children in foster care.

The sexual abuse and mental health issues faced by women in jails often contribute to further trauma, the authors noted, because women are subjected to body searches and supervision from male prison employees.

“Their experience hurts their prospects of recovering from that,” Swavola said.

And the way survivors might respond to perceived sexual threats—by fighting or attempting to escape—can lead to punishment, especially when jail leaders cannot detect or properly respond to trauma, Swavola and her peers said.

The authors recommend jurisdictions develop gender-responsive policies and other solutions that can help keep women out of jails.

In New York City, police take people arrested for certain non-felony offenses to a precinct, where they receive a desk appearance ticket, or DAT, along with instructions “to appear in court at a later date rather than remaining in custody.”

Andrea James, founder of Families for Justice As Healing and a leader within the National Council For Incarcerated and Formerly Incarcerated Women and Girls, said in an interview with Rewire that solutions must go beyond allowing women to escape police custody and return home to communities that are often fragmented, unhealthy, and dangerous.

Underserved women, James said, need access to healing, transformative environments. She cited as an example the Brookview House, which helps women overcome addiction, untreated trauma, and homelessness.

James, who has advocated against the criminalization of drug use and prostitution, as well as the injustices faced by those in poverty, said the problem of jail misuse could benefit from the insight of real experts on the issue: women and girls who have been incarcerated.

These women and youth, she said, could help researchers better understand the “experiences that brought them to the bunk.”

Culture & Conversation Family

‘Abortion and Parenting Needs Can Coexist’: A Q&A With Parker Dockray

Carole Joffe

"Why should someone have to go to one place for abortion care or funding, and to another place—one that is often anti-abortion—to get diapers and parenting resources? Why can’t they find that support all in one place?"

In May 2015, the longstanding and well-regarded pregnancy support talkline Backline launched a new venture. The Oakland-based organization opened All-Options Pregnancy Resource Center, a Bloomington, Indiana, drop-in center that offers adoption information, abortion referrals, and parenting support. Its mission: to break down silos and show that it is possible to support all options and all families under one roof—even in red-state Indiana, where Republican vice presidential candidate Gov. Mike Pence signed one of the country’s most restrictive anti-abortion laws.

To be sure, All-Options is hardly the first organization to point out the overlap between women terminating pregnancies and those continuing them. For years, the reproductive justice movement has insisted that the defense of abortion must be linked to a larger human rights framework that assures that all women have the right to have children and supportive conditions in which to parent them. More than 20 years ago, Rachel Atkins, then the director of the Vermont Women’s Center, famously described for a New York Times reporter the women in the center’s waiting room: “The country really suffers from thinking that there are two different kinds of women—women who have abortions and women who have babies. They’re the same women at different times.”

While this concept of linking the needs of all pregnant women—not just those seeking an abortion—is not new, there are actually remarkably few agencies that have put this insight into practice. So, more than a year after All-Options’ opening, Rewire checked in with Backline Executive Director Parker Dockray about the All-Options philosophy, the center’s local impact, and what others might consider if they are interested in creating similar programs.

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Rewire: What led you and Shelly Dodson (All-Options’ on-site director and an Indiana native) to create this organization?

PD: In both politics and practice, abortion is so often isolated and separated from other reproductive experiences. It’s incredibly hard to find organizations that provide parenting or pregnancy loss support, for example, and are also comfortable and competent in supporting people around abortion.

On the flip side, many abortion or family planning organizations don’t provide much support for women who want to continue a pregnancy or parents who are struggling to make ends meet. And yet we know that 60 percent of women having an abortion already have at least one child; in our daily lives, these issues are fundamentally connected. So why should someone have to go to one place for abortion care or funding, and to another place—one that is often anti-abortion—to get diapers and parenting resources? Why can’t they find that support all in one place? That’s what All-Options is about.

We see the All-Options model as a game-changer not only for clients, but also for volunteers and community supporters. All-Options allows us to transcend the stale pro-choice/pro-life debate and invites people to be curious and compassionate about how abortion and parenting needs can coexist .… Our hope is that All-Options can be a catalyst for reproductive justice and help to build a movement that truly supports people in all their options and experiences.

Rewire: What has been the experience of your first year of operations?

PD: We’ve been blown away with the response from clients, volunteers, donors, and partner organizations …. In the past year, we’ve seen close to 600 people for 2,400 total visits. Most people initially come to All-Options—and keep coming back—for diapers and other parenting support. But we’ve also provided hundreds of free pregnancy tests, thousands of condoms, and more than $20,000 in abortion funding.

Our Hoosier Abortion Fund is the only community-based, statewide fund in Indiana and the first to join the National Network of Abortion Funds. So far, we’ve been able to support 60 people in accessing abortion care in Indiana or neighboring states by contributing to their medical care or transportation expenses.

Rewire: Explain some more about the centrality of diaper giveaways in your program.

PD: Diaper need is one of the most prevalent yet invisible forms of poverty. Even though we knew that in theory, seeing so many families who are struggling to provide adequate diapers for their children has been heartbreaking. Many people are surprised to learn that federal programs like [the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children or WIC] and food stamps can’t be used to pay for diapers. And most places that distribute diapers, including crisis pregnancy centers (CPCs), only give out five to ten diapers per week.

All-Options follows the recommendation of the National Diaper Bank Network in giving families a full pack of diapers each week. We’ve given out more than 4,000 packs (150,000 diapers) this year—and we still have 80 families on our waiting list! Trying to address this overwhelming need in a sustainable way is one of our biggest challenges.

Rewire: What kind of reception has All-Options had in the community? Have there been negative encounters with anti-choice groups?

PD: Diapers and abortion funding are the two pillars of our work. But diapers have been a critical entry point for us. We’ve gotten support and donations from local restaurants, elected officials, and sororities at Indiana University. We’ve been covered in the local press. Even the local CPC refers people to us for diapers! So it’s been an important way to build trust and visibility in the community because we are meeting a concrete need for local families.

While All-Options hasn’t necessarily become allies with places that are actively anti-abortion, we do get lots of referrals from places I might describe as “abortion-agnostic”—food banks, domestic violence agencies, or homeless shelters that do not have a position on abortion per se, but they want their clients to get nonjudgmental support for all their options and needs.

As we gain visibility and expand to new places, we know we may see more opposition. A few of our clients have expressed disapproval about our support of abortion, but more often they are surprised and curious. It’s just so unusual to find a place that offers you free diapers, baby clothes, condoms, and abortion referrals.

Rewire: What advice would you give to others who are interested in opening such an “all-options” venture in a conservative state?

PD: We are in a planning process right now to figure out how to best replicate and expand the centers starting in 2017. We know we want to open another center or two (or three), but a big part of our plan will be providing a toolkit and other resources to help people use the all-options approach.

The best advice we have is to start where you are. Who else is already doing this work locally, and how can you work together? If you are an abortion fund or clinic, how can you also support the parenting needs of the women you serve? Is there a diaper bank in your area that you could refer to or partner with? Could you give out new baby packages for people who are continuing a pregnancy or have a WIC eligibility worker on-site once a month? If you are involved with a childbirth or parenting organization, can you build a relationship with your local abortion fund?

How can you make it known that you are a safe space to discuss all options and experiences? How can you and your organization show up in your community for diaper need and abortion coverage and a living wage?

Help people connect the dots. That’s how we start to change the conversation and create support.

This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

CORRECTION: This article has been updated to clarify the spelling of Shelly Dodson’s name.


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