Roundup: Final Draft of HHS Regs Dangerously Broad and Ambiguous

Brady Swenson

Final draft of HHS proposal is ambiguous and broad enough to allow doctors to refuse birth control; McCain unlikely to choose pro-choice running mate; Pastor who opposes abortion to deliver closing prayer at DNC; Telling back story behind the new Democratic abortion plank.

Final Draft of HHS Proposal Ambiguous and Broad Enough to Allow Doctors to Refuse Birth Control … The Bush Administration and Secretary Michael Leavitt of the Health and Human Services Department yesterday released the final draft of a proposed rule change, as reported here by Emily Douglas.  A look at the first wave of media coverage shows two frames emerging.  The Bush administration and Leavitt are arguing that the rule is strictly about expanding existing protections for the consciences of medical practitioners and they claim that "Nothing in the new regulation in any way changes a patient’s right to any legal procedure." The final version of the rule does not include the controversial section that redefined contraception as abortion.  But concern has quickly arisen that the "rule remains ambiguous enough to prompt more debate over whether
providers can refuse to provide some forms of birth control." 

Indeed Leavitt has admitted that medical practitioners would be free to make a legal challenge to establish the definition of abortion as contraception under the guise of the expanded "conscience" rules:

A draft of the rule, which surfaced last month, had a broad, explicit definition of abortion that seemed to include certain forms of contraception. That definition has been stripped from the proposed rule released yesterday.

But Mike Leavitt, secretary of the Department of Health and Human
Services, said some medical providers may want to “press the
definition” and make the case that some forms of contraception are
tantamount to abortion, the WSJ reports.

Appreciate our work?

Vote now! And help Rewire earn a bigger grant from CREDO:

VOTE NOW

Karen Brauer, president of Pharmacists for Life, said
she expects members of her group will do exactly that . "It would be
pretty excellent," she said, if states lost federal funding over laws
requiring pharmacists to fill birth-control prescriptions.

Both sides are admitting that the rule would allow legal challenges to state laws aimed at ensuring patient’s access to medical treatment. For instance state laws that require pharmacists to dispense, or refer patients to a pharmacy that will dispense, birth control could be struck down by courts under the new rule. Thirteen states currently have such a law on the books:

Activists on both sides of the debate said that
hospitals, insurers and HMOs may be able to use the regulations to
challenge other state laws, such as requirements that insurers include
contraception as part of prescription-drug benefits. Or the federal
government could force states to change those laws as a requirement for
federal funding. "We fear that’s possible," said Roger Evans, director
of litigation for Planned Parenthood.

Jessica Arons of Think Progress argues, in a piece republished here on Rewire, that the new rule drastically broadens the existing provisions for practitioner conscience contained in the Church and Weldon amendments:

While most of the regulation limits the scope of allowable moral
objections to training, performing, counseling, or referring for
abortion and sterilization, some sections are not so restricted.

Entities to whom this subsection 88.4(d) applies shall
not require any individual to perform or assist in the performance of
any part of a health service program or research activity funded by the Department if such service or activity would be contrary to his religious beliefs or moral convictions.

That seems to be an exception you could drive a truck through.

Also note the objections can be based not only on religious beliefs
but on any personal moral convictions. This is much broader than the
traditional conscience clauses, including those that allowed for
conscientious objectors during the Vietnam War.

Arons also importantly notes a broadening of those whose consciences are protected by the new rule:

Finally, the proposed regulation would extend protection from
doctors and nurses to just about anyone who might come into contact
with a patient, and even some who might not.

[A]n employee whose task it is to clean the instruments
used in a particular procedure would be considered to assist in the
performance of the particular procedure.

By that logic, an ambulance driver, a receptionist, and even the
person who processes health insurance forms might be able to refuse to
perform their jobs if related to a health care service they find
morally objectionable. Volunteers are explicitly protected too.

While Leavitt and the Bush administration claim that this rule’s sole end is to protect medical practitioners and their "assistants," they fail to acknowledge how patient’s care may be affected.  Consensus seems to be emerging that the rule’s broad definitions, and lack of definitions, allow room for individuals or institutions to eventually redefine contraception as abortion anyway and greatly broadens the umbrella of the conscience protections to include just about anybody in the employ of an HHS funded entity:

“Workforce” includes employees, volunteers, trainees, and other persons whose conduct, in the performance of work for a Department-funded entity, is under the control or authority of such entity, whether or not they are paid by the Department-funded entity.

These broadly ranging definitions have prompted concern from those seeking to defend access to comprehensive health care:

"Women’s ability to manage their own health care is at risk of
being compromised by politics and ideology," Cecile Richards, president
of the Planned Parenthood Federation of America, said in a statement.

The group, which had complained that earlier drafts of the regulation
contained vague language that might block access to birth control, said
it still has concerns about the latest version.

"Planned
Parenthood continues to be concerned that the Bush administration’s
proposed regulation poses a serious threat to women’s health care by
limiting the rights of patients to receive complete and accurate health
information and services," Richards added.

The rule may be seen as such a threat to health care access because it also allows practitioners who object to medical procedures to refuse to refer patients to a doctor who can give them the information and care they need or are seeking:

… it goes far beyond defending a medical worker’s right to
refuse to perform an abortion — it also secures his or her right to
refuse to "refer for, or make other arrangements for, abortions." In
other words, a worker at a women’s clinic, perhaps the only one for
several hundred miles, can refuse to perform an abortion and refuse to refer the patient to someone who will. 

I also expect that a debate about conscience clauses and the right of refusal versus the rights of patients to access comprehensive health care will emerge.   Rev. Dr. Carlton Veazey wrote about this conflict of interest on Rewire recently:

We live in a religiously pluralistic society, and as a
nation we believe in protecting religious expression and freedom. With regard
to abortion and contraception, I believe this means we must accommodate both
the physician who objects to providing abortion services and the patient who
wants and need this service. A physician’s objection to abortion must never result
in a woman being denied a service she wants, needs and is legally and morally
entitled to.  

In this
clash of a healthcare provider’s conscience with a woman’s conscience, women will
lose. An ACOG ethics opinion states the
conflict well:

Although respect for conscience is important, conscientious
refusals should be limited if they constitute an imposition of religious or
moral beliefs on patients, negatively affect a patient’s health, are based on
scientific misinformation, or create or reinforce racial or socioeconomic inequalities.

The
Religious Coalition for Reproductive Choice supports this position as an
appropriate reflection of American religious and social values. Health
care professionals must provide information and care consistent with the
highest standards of scientific evidence and responsive to the needs and wishes
of individual patients — without ideological or theological restrictions.

What is clear in this early stage of the 30 day commenting period is that the final draft of the proposal has raised different and perhaps larger concerns than the leaked draft of the proposal that explicitly redefined contraception as abortion. The public may submit comments on the regulation during the next 30 days here or via email to consciencecomment@hhs.gov.

McCain Unlikely to Choose Pro-Choice Running Mate … Although pro-choice politicians Tom Ridge and Joe Lieberman are reportedly on John McCain’s VP short list, The New York Times is reporting that McCain advisers are saying he is "unlikely to select anyone who supports abortion rights."

Pastor Who Opposes Abortion to Deliver DNC’s Closing Prayer … The Washington Post’s The Trail blog is reporting that Joel C. Hunter, a megachurch pastor from Florida, will deliver the closing prayer of this year’s Democratic National Convention.  The Trail characterizes the move as a continuation of the Obama campaign’s "aggressive outreach to evangelical voters."

"I’ll kind of be the elephant in the room, but it really says
something about how far Senator Obama is reaching out," Hunter said in
a phone interview today. "We are expanding the agenda of what’s
pro-life. When you consider poverty, environmentalism and war … those
are the issues that are being addressed by the Democratic Party."

Hunter
was initially brought into the Democratic conversation through
discussions about the abortion language in the party platform organized
by Third Way, a progressive group that is trying to find compromises on
cultural issues. The group was in the background of tense negotiations
between Hunter, evangelicals and pro-choice groups during the
re-wording of the party platform that resulted in a strong affirmation
of Roe vs. Wade and an addition of language that encourages a reduction
in the number of abortions.

Rachel Laser of Third Way said Hunter’s inclusion proves "the Democratic Party is open to faith in a new way."

Back Story Behind the New Democratic Reproductive Health Platform Plank … In case you missed Steven Waldman’s look at how the Democrats’ new plank on reproductive health and abortion was developed, you should click over and give it a read now.   

Culture & Conversation Family

‘Abortion and Parenting Needs Can Coexist’: A Q&A With Parker Dockray

Carole Joffe

"Why should someone have to go to one place for abortion care or funding, and to another place—one that is often anti-abortion—to get diapers and parenting resources? Why can’t they find that support all in one place?"

In May 2015, the longstanding and well-regarded pregnancy support talkline Backline launched a new venture. The Oakland-based organization opened All-Options Pregnancy Resource Center, a Bloomington, Indiana, drop-in center that offers adoption information, abortion referrals, and parenting support. Its mission: to break down silos and show that it is possible to support all options and all families under one roof—even in red-state Indiana, where Republican vice presidential candidate Gov. Mike Pence signed one of the country’s most restrictive anti-abortion laws.

To be sure, All-Options is hardly the first organization to point out the overlap between women terminating pregnancies and those continuing them. For years, the reproductive justice movement has insisted that the defense of abortion must be linked to a larger human rights framework that assures that all women have the right to have children and supportive conditions in which to parent them. More than 20 years ago, Rachel Atkins, then the director of the Vermont Women’s Center, famously described for a New York Times reporter the women in the center’s waiting room: “The country really suffers from thinking that there are two different kinds of women—women who have abortions and women who have babies. They’re the same women at different times.”

While this concept of linking the needs of all pregnant women—not just those seeking an abortion—is not new, there are actually remarkably few agencies that have put this insight into practice. So, more than a year after All-Options’ opening, Rewire checked in with Backline Executive Director Parker Dockray about the All-Options philosophy, the center’s local impact, and what others might consider if they are interested in creating similar programs.

Appreciate our work?

Vote now! And help Rewire earn a bigger grant from CREDO:

VOTE NOW

Rewire: What led you and Shelly Dodson (All-Options’ on-site director and an Indiana native) to create this organization?

PD: In both politics and practice, abortion is so often isolated and separated from other reproductive experiences. It’s incredibly hard to find organizations that provide parenting or pregnancy loss support, for example, and are also comfortable and competent in supporting people around abortion.

On the flip side, many abortion or family planning organizations don’t provide much support for women who want to continue a pregnancy or parents who are struggling to make ends meet. And yet we know that 60 percent of women having an abortion already have at least one child; in our daily lives, these issues are fundamentally connected. So why should someone have to go to one place for abortion care or funding, and to another place—one that is often anti-abortion—to get diapers and parenting resources? Why can’t they find that support all in one place? That’s what All-Options is about.

We see the All-Options model as a game-changer not only for clients, but also for volunteers and community supporters. All-Options allows us to transcend the stale pro-choice/pro-life debate and invites people to be curious and compassionate about how abortion and parenting needs can coexist .… Our hope is that All-Options can be a catalyst for reproductive justice and help to build a movement that truly supports people in all their options and experiences.

Rewire: What has been the experience of your first year of operations?

PD: We’ve been blown away with the response from clients, volunteers, donors, and partner organizations …. In the past year, we’ve seen close to 600 people for 2,400 total visits. Most people initially come to All-Options—and keep coming back—for diapers and other parenting support. But we’ve also provided hundreds of free pregnancy tests, thousands of condoms, and more than $20,000 in abortion funding.

Our Hoosier Abortion Fund is the only community-based, statewide fund in Indiana and the first to join the National Network of Abortion Funds. So far, we’ve been able to support 60 people in accessing abortion care in Indiana or neighboring states by contributing to their medical care or transportation expenses.

Rewire: Explain some more about the centrality of diaper giveaways in your program.

PD: Diaper need is one of the most prevalent yet invisible forms of poverty. Even though we knew that in theory, seeing so many families who are struggling to provide adequate diapers for their children has been heartbreaking. Many people are surprised to learn that federal programs like [the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children or WIC] and food stamps can’t be used to pay for diapers. And most places that distribute diapers, including crisis pregnancy centers (CPCs), only give out five to ten diapers per week.

All-Options follows the recommendation of the National Diaper Bank Network in giving families a full pack of diapers each week. We’ve given out more than 4,000 packs (150,000 diapers) this year—and we still have 80 families on our waiting list! Trying to address this overwhelming need in a sustainable way is one of our biggest challenges.

Rewire: What kind of reception has All-Options had in the community? Have there been negative encounters with anti-choice groups?

PD: Diapers and abortion funding are the two pillars of our work. But diapers have been a critical entry point for us. We’ve gotten support and donations from local restaurants, elected officials, and sororities at Indiana University. We’ve been covered in the local press. Even the local CPC refers people to us for diapers! So it’s been an important way to build trust and visibility in the community because we are meeting a concrete need for local families.

While All-Options hasn’t necessarily become allies with places that are actively anti-abortion, we do get lots of referrals from places I might describe as “abortion-agnostic”—food banks, domestic violence agencies, or homeless shelters that do not have a position on abortion per se, but they want their clients to get nonjudgmental support for all their options and needs.

As we gain visibility and expand to new places, we know we may see more opposition. A few of our clients have expressed disapproval about our support of abortion, but more often they are surprised and curious. It’s just so unusual to find a place that offers you free diapers, baby clothes, condoms, and abortion referrals.

Rewire: What advice would you give to others who are interested in opening such an “all-options” venture in a conservative state?

PD: We are in a planning process right now to figure out how to best replicate and expand the centers starting in 2017. We know we want to open another center or two (or three), but a big part of our plan will be providing a toolkit and other resources to help people use the all-options approach.

The best advice we have is to start where you are. Who else is already doing this work locally, and how can you work together? If you are an abortion fund or clinic, how can you also support the parenting needs of the women you serve? Is there a diaper bank in your area that you could refer to or partner with? Could you give out new baby packages for people who are continuing a pregnancy or have a WIC eligibility worker on-site once a month? If you are involved with a childbirth or parenting organization, can you build a relationship with your local abortion fund?

How can you make it known that you are a safe space to discuss all options and experiences? How can you and your organization show up in your community for diaper need and abortion coverage and a living wage?

Help people connect the dots. That’s how we start to change the conversation and create support.

This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

CORRECTION: This article has been updated to clarify the spelling of Shelly Dodson’s name.

Analysis Politics

Anti-Choice Democrats Employ ‘Dangerous,’ Contradictory Strategies

Ally Boguhn & Christine Grimaldi

Democrats for Life of America leaders, politicians, and rank-and-file supporters often contradict each other, and sometimes themselves, exposing a lack of coherent strategy at a time when the Democratic Party's platform is newly committed to increasing abortion access for all.

The national organization for anti-choice Democrats last month brought a litany of arguments against abortion to the party’s convention. As a few dozen supporters gathered for an event honoring anti-choice Louisiana Gov. John Bel Edwards (D), the group ran into a consistent problem.

Democrats for Life of America (DFLA) leaders, politicians, and rank-and-file supporters often contradicted each other, and sometimes themselves, exposing a lack of coherent strategy at a time when the Democratic Party’s platform is newly committed to increasing access to abortion care for all.

DFLA leaders and politicians attempted to distance themselves from the traditionally Republican anti-choice movement, but repeatedly invoked conservative falsehoods and medically unsupported science to make their arguments against abortion. One state-level lawmaker said she routinely sought guidance from the National Right to Life, while another claimed the Republican-allied group left anti-choice Democrats in his state to fend for themselves.

Over the course of multiple interviews, Rewire discovered that while the organization demanded that Democrats “open the big tent” for anti-choice party members in order to win political office, especially in the South, it lacked a coordinated strategy for making that happen and accomplishing its policy goals.

Appreciate our work?

Vote now! And help Rewire earn a bigger grant from CREDO:

VOTE NOW

Take, for example, 20-week abortion bans, which the organization’s website lists as a key legislative issue. When asked about why the group backed cutting off abortion care at that point in a pregnancy, DFLA Executive Director Kristen Day admitted that she didn’t “know what the rationale was.”

Janet Robert, the president of the group’s executive board, was considerably more forthcoming.

“Well, the group of pro-life people who came up with the 20-week ban felt that at 20 weeks, it’s pretty well established that a child can feel pain,” Robert claimed during an interview with Rewire. Pointing to the U.S. Supreme Court’s ruling in Roe v. Wade, which protected the right to legal abortion care before the point of fetal viability, Rogers suggested that “more and more we’re seeing that children, prenatal children, are viable around 20 to 22 weeks” of pregnancy.

Medical consensus, however, has found it “unlikely” that a fetus can feel pain until the third trimester, which begins around the 28th week of pregnancy. The doctors who testify otherwise in an effort to push through abortion restrictions are often discredited anti-choice activists. A 20-week fetus is “in no way shape or form” viable, according to Dr. Hal Lawrence, executive vice president of the American Congress of Obstetricians and Gynecologists.

When asked about scientific findings that fetuses do not feel pain at 20 weeks of pregnancy, Robert steadfastly claimed that “medical scientists do not agree on that issue.”

“There is clearly disagreement, and unfortunately, science has been manipulated by a lot of people to say one thing or another,” she continued.

While Robert parroted the very same medically unsupported fetal pain and viability lines often pushed by Republicans and anti-choice activists, she seemingly acknowledged that such restrictions were a way to work around the Supreme Court’s decision to make abortion legal.

“Now other legislatures are looking at 24 weeks—anything to get past the Supreme Court cut-off—because everybody know’s it’s a child … it’s all an arbitrary line,” she said, adding that “people use different rationales just to get around the stupid Supreme Court decision.”

Charles C. Camosy, a member of DFLA’s board, wrote in a May op-ed for the LA Times that a federal 20-week ban was “common-sense legislation.” Camosy encouraged Democratic lawmakers to help pass the abortion ban as “a carrot to get moderate Republicans on board” with paid family leave policies.

Robert also relied upon conservative talking points about fake clinics, also known as crisis pregnancy centers, which routinely lie to patients to persuade them not to have an abortion. Robert said DFLA doesn’t often interact with women facing unplanned pregnancies, but the group nonetheless views such organizations as “absolutely fabulous [be]cause they help the women.”

Those who say such fake clinics provide patients with misinformation and falsehoods about abortion care are relying on “propaganda by Planned Parenthood,” Robert claimed, adding that the reproductive health-care provider simply doesn’t want patients seeking care at fake clinics and wants to take away those clinics’ funding.

Politicians echoed similar themes at DFLA’s convention event. Edwards’ award acceptance speech revealed his approach to governing, which, to date, includes support for restrictive abortion laws that disproportionately hurt people with low incomes, even as he has expanded Medicaid in Louisiana.

Also present at the event was Louisiana state Rep. Katrina Jackson (D), responsible for a restrictive admitting privileges law that former Gov. Bobby Jindal (R) signed into law in 2014. Jackson readily admitted to Rewire that she takes her legislative cues from the National Right to Life. She also name-checked Dorinda Bordlee, senior counsel of the Bioethics Defense Fund, an allied organization of the Alliance Defending Freedom.

“They don’t just draft bills for me,” Jackson told Rewire in an interview. “What we do is sit down and talk before every session and see what the pressing issues are in the area of supporting life.”

Despite what Jackson described as a commitment to the constitutionality of her laws, the Supreme Court in March blocked admitting privileges from taking effect in Louisiana. Louisiana’s law is also nearly identical to the Texas version that the Court struck down in June’s Whole Woman’s Health v. Hellerstedt decision.

Jackson did not acknowledge the setback, speaking instead about how such measures protect the health of pregnant people and fetuses. She did not mention any legal strategy—only that she’s “very prayerful” that admitting privileges will remain law in her state.

Jackson said her “rewarding” work with National Right to Life encompasses issues beyond abortion care—in her words, “how you’re going to care for the baby from the time you choose life.”

She claimed she’s not the only Democrat to seek out the group’s guidance.

“I have a lot of Democratic colleagues in my state, in other states, who work closely with [National] Right to Life,” Jackson said. “I think the common misconception is, you see a lot of party leaders saying they’re pro-abortion, pro-choice, and you just generally assume that a lot of the state legislators are. And that’s not true. An overwhelming majority of the Democrat state legislators in our state and others are pro-life. But, we say it like this: We care about them from the womb to the tomb.”

The relationship between anti-choice Democrats and anti-choice groups couldn’t be more different in South Dakota, said state house Rep. Ray Ring (D), a Hillary Clinton supporter at DFLA’s convention event.

Ring said South Dakota is home to a “small, not terribly active” chapter of DFLA. The “very Republican, very conservative” South Dakota Right to Life drives most of the state’s anti-choice activity and doesn’t collaborate with anti-choice Democrats in the legislature, regardless of their voting records on abortion.

Democrats hold a dozen of the 70 seats in South Dakota’s house and eight of the 35 in the state senate. Five of the Democratic legislators had a mixed record on choice and ten had a pro-choice record in the most recent legislative session, according to NARAL Pro-Choice South Dakota Executive Director Samantha Spawn.

As a result, Ring and other anti-choice Democrats devote more of their legislative efforts toward policies such as Medicaid expansion, which they believe will reduce the number of pregnant people who seek abortion care. Ring acknowledged that restrictions on the procedure, such as a 20-week ban, “at best, make a very marginal difference”—a far cry not only from Republicans’ anti-choice playbook, but also DFLA’s position.

Ring and other anti-choice Democrats nevertheless tend to vote for Republican-sponsored abortion restrictions, falling in line with DFLA’s best practices. The group’s report, which it released at the event, implied that Democratic losses since 2008 are somehow tied to their party’s support for abortion rights, even though the turnover in state legislatures and the U.S. Congress can be attributed to a variety of factors, including gerrymandering to favor GOP victories.

Anecdotal evidence provides measured support for the inference.

Republican-leaning anti-choice groups targeted one of their own—Rep. Renee Ellmers (R-NC)—in her June primary for merely expressing concern that a congressional 20-week abortion ban would have required rape victims to formally report their assaults to the police in order to receive exemptions. Ellmers eventually voted last year for the U.S. House of Representatives’ “disgustingly cruel” ban, similarly onerous rape and incest exceptions included.

If anti-choice groups could prevail against such a consistent opponent of abortion rights, they could easily do the same against even vocal “Democrats for Life.”

Former Rep. Kathy Dalhkemper (D-PA) contends that’s what happened to her and other anti-choice Democrats in the 2010 midterm elections, which resulted in Republicans wresting control of the House.

“I believe that pro-life Democrats are the biggest threat to the Republicans, and that’s why we were targeted—and I’ll say harshly targeted—in 2010,” Dahlkemper said in an interview.

She alleged that anti-choice groups, often funded by Republicans, attacked her for supporting the Affordable Care Act. A 2010 Politico story describes how the Susan B. Anthony List funneled millions of dollars into equating the vote with support for abortion access, even though President Obama signed an executive order in the vein of the Hyde Amendment’s prohibition on federal funds for abortion care.

Dalhkemper advocated for perhaps the clearest strategy to counter the narrative that anti-choice Democrats somehow aren’t really opposed to abortion.

“What we need is support from our party at large, and we also need to band together, and we also need to continue to talk about that consistent life message that I think the vast majority of us believe in,” she said.

Self-described pro-choice Georgia House Minority Leader Rep. Stacey Abrams (D) rejected the narratives spun by DFLA to supporters. In an interview with Rewire at the convention, Abrams called the organization’s claim that Democrats should work to elect anti-choice politicians from within their ranks in order to win in places like the South a “dangerous” strategy that assumes “that the South is the same static place it was 50 or 100 years ago.”

“I think what they’re reacting to is … a very strong religious current that runs throughout the South,” that pushes people to discuss their values when it comes to abortion, Abrams said. “But we are capable of complexity. And that’s the problem I have. [Its strategy] assumes and reduces Democrats to a single issue, but more importantly, it reduces the decision to one that is a binary decision—yes or no.”

That strategy also doesn’t take into account the intersectional identities of Southern voters and instead only focuses on appealing to the sensibilities of white men, noted Abrams.

“We are only successful when we acknowledge that I can be a Black woman who may be raised religiously pro-life but believe that other women have the right to make a choice,” she continued. “And the extent to which we think about ourselves only in terms of white men and trying to convince that very and increasingly narrow population to be our saviors in elections, that’s when we face the likelihood of being obsolete.”

Understanding that nuances exist among Southern voters—even those who are opposed to abortion personally—is instead the key to reaching them, Abrams said.

“Most of the women and most of the voters, we are used to having complex conversations about what happens,” she said. “And I do believe that it is both reductive and it’s self-defeating for us to say that you can only win if you’re a pro-life Democrat.”

To Abrams, being pro-choice means allowing people to “decide their path.”

“The use of reproductive choice is endemic to how we as women can be involved in society: how we can go to work, how we can raise families, make choices about who we are. And so while I am sympathetic to the concern that you have to … cut against the national narrative, being pro-choice means exactly that,” Abrams continued. “If their path is pro-life, fine. If their path is to decide to make other choices, to have an abortion, they can do so.”

“I’m a pro-choice woman who has strongly embraced the conversation and the option for women to choose whatever they want to choose,” Abrams said. “That is the best and, I think, most profound path we can take as legislators and as elected officials.”

credo_rewire_vote_3

Vote for Rewire and Help Us Earn Money

Rewire is in the running for a CREDO Mobile grant. More votes for Rewire means more CREDO grant money to support our work. Please take a few seconds to help us out!

VOTE!

Thank you for supporting our work!